• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.84
• /
• pp.152-188
• /
• 2017

This study stereotyped the media on the basis of ideological inclinations and media types and explored the news coverage through word analysis, network analysis, and frame analysis. There was no difference between conservative media and progressive media in terms of the amount of news. The conservative mainstream media considered the THAAD rumor as an unnecessary misunderstanding and a rumor based conflict of the south-south. The progressive mainstream media mentioned much about Hwang Gyoan, external influences, and lies and highlighted the government's opinion that there was external influence that spread a vicious rumor. Conservative media mentioned on the bringing about social disturbance and in case of progressive media mentioned social disturbance, and progressive media mentioned the responsibility of government and the attitude of conservative media about the diffusion of the rumor. In conclusion the press framed the THAAD rumor on the basis of their ideological inclinations instead of the role of journalist.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.20 no.2
• /
• pp.36-50
• /
• 2020

YouTube as a news channel is gaining popularity because it offers more interesting and in-depth news than traditional news media. However, YouTube has been criticized for its distribution of false information (or fake news) in Korea. Politicians are actively proposing a variety of bills to regulate YouTube's false information and a lot of studies proposed how to regulate YouTube's false information. This study looked at the users' experience and perception of false information and identified factors that affected the regulation of YouTube news. The results showed that the conservatives and the moderate groups were exposed to false information more than the progressives, and those in their 60s believed that false information was distributed on YouTube rather those in their 20s to 50s. The more people value freedom of expression, the more people trust TV Chosun news, the more people tend to oppose the regulation of information on YouTube. On the other hand, it turns out that the more people trust the news on both terrestrial broadcasting networks and JTBC, and the more people value the enlightening aspects on the news, the more they approve of Youtube regulation.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.36 no.6
• /
• pp.102-114
• /
• 2009

Urban discourse can be used to create a better living environment through open thinking, understanding and discussion. It raises both physical and social issues surrounding the urban environment. It can encourage the participation of citizen groups and lead the way to develop a community-oriented urban environment through inter-discourse agreement. The urban space of Cheonggye Stream has produced a wide range of urban discourse from 2003 to the present. Discourse regarding the Cheonggye Stream restoration project has been approached by fields including landscape architecture, ecology, urbanism, architecture, politics, and economics, among others. This discourse has reduced a variety of issues and ranges of debate. This study has classified these discussions into related fields and ideological attitudes, analysed their content, and interpreted their meaning. In order to examine the mutual relationships existing among these discourses by different ideological groups, an analytical framework was established byputting classified versions of discourses into a coordinate diagram. The overall topography showing the present status of Korea public awareness regarding the urban environment could therefore be determined. As a result, it was found that the disciplines of landscape architecture took a middle ground between groups with practical and radical ideologies regarding the Cheonggye Stream project and was a mediator for both poles to find a point of contact. However, participatory discourse requires the disciplines of landscape architecture to participate more actively in the discourses on urban environment and take a more active stand corresponding to the zeitgeist and people's sense of public justice.

• Korean Security Journal
• /
• no.21
• /
• pp.35-52
• /
• 2009

The guard system in the last period of the Joseon Dynasty, established at the time of the struggle of invading world powers and the loss of the Dynasty rights, was strengthened to protect the Royal family and the Dynasty from the attacks of foreign powers. While investigating both the military system and the guard system from the beginning of King Gojong's direct royal governing to the time of Japanese annexation of Korea, we realize that the Joseon Dynasty not only lost the support of the public but also had little power to cope with the aggression of foreign countries. The reformation and strengthening by Daewongun, King Gojong's father, was made in preparation for King Gojong's direct royal rule. Nevertheless, the intervention of foreign countries in the domestic affairs of the Joseon Dynasty got worse. As opposed to their intervention, Queen Minbi had engaged in politics, which resulted in murderous attempts on her. The Joseon Dynasty had tried to reform and intensify the guard system. New names such as Muwiso, Chingunyeong, and Siwidai, had been given respectively. Such reformation and intensification had little effect because of two successive victories at the Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War of Japan. Japan occupied the Joseon Dynasty by force after all. The guard system of Daehan-jeguk(the Empire of Korea) was eventually incapacitated; an army in the cause of justice was raised instead. However, The state of things and the guard system at that incapacitated period gives a good lesson for the establishment of a modern guard system at the present day.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.63
• /
• pp.53-75
• /
• 2013

This study looks into Dooriban movement, which problematizes the ways in which social movements are carried out in everyday settings in modern Korea. Contrary to traditional social movements, Dooriban movement led by active/independent participants -who are locally situated and culturally sensitized- showed a new way of engaging with political power. Making use of qualitative methodology such as in-depth interviews and participant observation, this research examines the implications of emergent cultural practices that redefine and reconfigure the working mechanisms of social movements in Korea today.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
• /
• v.6 no.2
• /
• pp.327-331
• /
• 2020

In that this study is a subject and character of risk, emerging security covers non-military areas in addition to traditional military security: environmental security, human security, resource security, and cyber security. The rise of these risks is not only changing the phenomenon of the new expansion of security areas, but also the expansion of the number and scope of security entities and the aspect of security world politics. These risks are transnational security issues at the global level in terms of their nature and extent of the damage, as well as multi-layered ones that affect local and personal security issues at the regional and national levels. In addition to national actors, non-state actors such as international organizations, multinational corporations, and global civil society, and furthermore, technology and social systems themselves are causing risks. Therefore, to solve the new security problem, it is necessary to establish a middle-level and complex governance mechanism that is sought at the regional and global levels beyond the fragmented dimension of the occurrence of new security issues that have been overlooked in the existing frame of perception, and to predict and find ways to respond to new security paradigms that have been identified in a broader sense.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.52
• /
• pp.33-61
• /
• 2003

This study aims to identify early retirement and the subsequent career ending patterns and explain the phenomena in terms of social security policies and labor market perspectives. Although many older workers retire early, there are very few studies to examine how the retirees end their careers after quitting the long-time jobs. The paper investigates individual work experiences 55 through 61, identifies the career ending patterns, constitutes the micro and macro analytical models to estimate the impacts of labor market and work-related variables. The findings show that many older workers have diverse career ending patterns after long-time career jobs, that is, still working at age-55 job, exiting and reentering, sporadic work, retired permanently from age-55 job, a repeat of labor force entry. Also the estimation results indicate that pension, social security, labor market condition, work structure variables better explain the career ending behaviors than social psychological factors of health, education, attitudes toward retirement and job, ethnicity. Finally, this paper discusses theoretical importances of labor market perspectives and policy implications at the end of thesis.

• Korea and Global Affairs
• /
• v.2 no.1
• /
• pp.45-68
• /
• 2018

This study is focused on viewing the March 1st Movement, a national movement uprisen nationwide during the Japanese occupation period, and women's independence movement from an angle of worldpeace. The March 1st Movement was held nationwide when our national sovereignty was lost, and it can be defined as a form of peace movement in view of world history. Particularly, the March 1st Movement was the people's independence movement without distinction of class, region and sex. The direction of national independence and freedom implied in the independence movement during that time period needs to be interpreted newly in view of world peace. Firstly, the urgent task to complete during that period was to accomplish independence in view of the times and the national people, and it was a form of peace movement. Secondly, the women who participated in the March 1st Movement changed into spontaneous participants or activists for the national independence movement and, thereafter, continued a history of women's independence movement of Korea. Lastly, the March 1st Movement became widespread domestically and to foreign countries such as China, Japan, Russia, Europe and America, so that its spirit of freedom and peace appealed to the weak countries in Asia. Furthermore, it worked as a spiritual support for the independence movement of Korea. As mentioned above, the March 1st Movement needs to be newly understood in view of world peace, and, out of that movement, Korean women's independence movement deserves a highlight as a peace movement stream in the world history of women.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.71
• /
• pp.9-32
• /
• 2015

The media, traditionally, serves to reinforce one's limited memory and transform those personal memories of society's members into collective memories. Notably, the mass media collects countless pieces of personalized memories for the creation of collective memories. Through the process of recollecting as well as recreating the past in the present, mass media exerts influence on the means the public appreciates and understands the history. Although numerous new medias like Internet overflows in today's society, television continues to stand firm as the salient means to construct the memories in daily lives. In this context, the research aims to analyze the televised news as the principal agent of memory producer to determine through which memories it recreates the $5{\cdot}18$ in today's media. The analysis of news values clarifies that every government placed distinctive news values on $5{\cdot}18$ within its historical context. Even so, such values were often fixed based on its relations to the existing political issues. Furthermore, through the discourse analysis, this research concludes that today's coverage of $5{\cdot}18$ is softening and becoming conventional.

• Journal of Korea Technology Innovation Society
• /
• v.15 no.1
• /
• pp.129-162
• /
• 2012

This study analyzed the institutional characteristics of large scale national R&D policies in Korea. The analysis examined the continuity and change of the policy institution. It dealt with G7 Project, 21C Frontier Project, and Next Generation Growth Engine Project as the major large scale national R&D policies in Korea. The theoretical approach of this study is to the continuity and change or evolution of policy institution from the perspective of new institutionalism. Based on the theoretical analysis, it emphasized the analysis of the institutions in three different levels: macro, meso, and micro level. In the analysis, the research examined the idea of policy institution or policy goal, participants in the policy institution, and policy instruments in different levels. The outcome of the analysis shows that the policy of large scale national R&D in Korea has the institutional continuity in the macro level. In the meso level, however, the policy institution changes due to the administration change and the influence of political economic environment. In the micro level, the policy institution changes based on the symbolic influence of policy goal and the interest of bureaucrats. The research finds that the micro and meso level institutional changes cause the evolution of policy institutions and the major change of policy institution.