• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Computer Information Conference
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• 2015.01a
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• pp.319-320
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• 2015

본 연구는 빅데이터를 활용해서 유권자의 정치성향을 파악할 수 있는 방안을 세 가지 관점에서 제시하였다. 첫째, 군집분석은 유권자의 기본성향을 파악할 수 있는 방법으로 각 정당은 유권자의 데이터베이스를 확보해야 한다. 둘째, 회귀분석은 독립변수가 종속변수에 어떤 영향을 끼치는가를 분석한 것으로 유권자들의 필요에 따른 정책을 세우는데 필요하다. 셋째, 연관성 분석은 특정 사물에 대한 선호도를 파악하여 유권자의 정치성향을 유추할 수 있는 방안을 말한다.

• Proceedings of the Korea Information Processing Society Conference
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• 2023.05a
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• pp.519-521
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• 2023

온라인 뉴스 플랫폼의 발전은 에코 챔버(echo chamber) 효과와 정치적 양극화를 심화시키며, 이를 완화하기 위한 선행 연구로 뉴스 기사의 정치적 성향을 판단하는 연구가 필요하다. 기존 연구는 외부 지식 그래프를 활용하여 뉴스 기사의 텍스트 정보를 더욱 풍부하게 표현한다. 그러나, 외부 지식을 임베딩하는 지식 그래프 임베딩(knowledge graph embedding, KGE) 방법은 다양하며, 각 KGE 방법이 정치적 성향 예측 정확도에 미치는 효과에 대해서 충분히 연구되지 않았다. 본 논문에서는 정치적 성향 예측에 외부 지식의 활용을 최대화하기 위한 다양한 KGE 방법들의 효과를 분석한다. 실험 결과, 외부 지식 그래프 내의 개체들 간 복잡한 관계를 간단하고 정확하게 표현 가능한 ModE 방법을 활용하는 것이 정치적 성향 예측에 가장 효과적이라는 것을 확인하였다.

• Annual Conference on Human and Language Technology
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• 2023.10a
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• pp.552-557
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• 2023

거대 언어 모델의 성능이 비약적으로 높아지며 인간과의 직접적인 상호 작용 과정이 가능해지고, 이에 따라 윤리 검증의 필요성이 대두되고 있다. 본 연구에서는 인간이 지닌 여러 가치관 중에 정치에 초점을 둔다. 거대 언어 모델의 정치 성향이 사용자의 입력에 따라 변할 수 있는지와 하위 작업에 끼치는 영향에 대해 알아보고자 두 개의 실험을 설계하였고 이에 대한 결과를 분석하였다. 실험에는 거대 언어 모델의 정치 성향을 입력 대조군으로, 세가지 다른 입력 (탈옥 기법, 정치 페르소나, 탈옥 페르소나)을 입력 실험군으로 규정하였다. 실험 결과, 거대 언어 모델의 정치 성향은 탈옥 기법에서 가장 큰 폭으로 변화하였고, 정치 페르소나와 탈옥 페르소나에서는 변화가 크지 않아, 거대 언어 모델에 내재된 정치 성향의 영향에서 크게 벗어나지 못함을 확인하였다. 또한, 하위 작업에서의 실험을 통해 변화된 정치 성향은 하위 작업의 성능 개선을 가져올 수 있으며, 각 실험군에 따라 하위 작업에서 다른 방식의 양상을 보임을 확인하였다. 이는 실제 모델이 사용될 때 개인화된 응답보다는 모델이 선호하는 응답을 받게 되며, 거대 언어 모델의 정치 성향이 사용자에게 여과없이 노출될 수 있음을 시사한다.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.575-582
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• 2020

We proposes a method to estimate political preference of users who write comments on internet news. We collected and analyzed a massive amount of new comment data from internet news to extract features that effectively characterizes political preference of users. We expect that it helps user to obtain unbiased information from internet news and online discussion by providing estimated political stance of news comment writer. Through comprehensive tests we prove the effectiveness of two proposed methods, lexicon-based algorithm and similarity-based algorithm.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.129-148
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• 2017

The political system of Xi Jinping which was launched in 2013, faced many difficulties both domestically and internationally. Xi Jinping must integrate and stabilize society through political reforms, such as sustained economic growth and Resolved corruption. In addition, he should seek new relations with the United States on the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. Therefore, this study analyzed political leadership of Chinese political leaders including Xi Jinping using Max Weber 's political domination type. From the first generation political leaders to the fourth generation political leaders in China, the types of political domination of the first and second generation political leaders tend to be charismatic rather than legitimate domination. But the third generation political leaders tend to have a tendency of traditional domination rather than legitimate domination, and the fourth generation political leaders have a tendency to dominate more than traditional domination. On the other hand, the type of political domination of Xi Jinping shows traditional domination and legitimate domination tendency in the process of political growth and emergence, but shows tendency of charismatic domination after domination of political power.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.23-52
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• 2018

This study examines factors that influence adolescents' political trust in Asian societies with special emphases on authoritarian orientations and corruption perception. Previous studies on adolescents' political trust have focused almost exclusively on Western societies. As a result, the impact of other cultural values that are specific to Asian societies, such as authoritarian orientations, on adolescents' political trust has received little attention in the existing literature. Moreover, situated within a socialization framework which argues that political trust is an extension of interpersonal trust, much prior work has ignored the role of adolescent evaluations of institutional performance in generating political trust. The data I use offer empirical evidence that both authoritarian orientations and institutional performance-especially its ability to curb corruption-are independent sources of political trust among Asian adolescents and that the trust-eroding effect of corruption is less salient among Asian adolescents adopting more authoritarian orientations. Additionally, the evidence also suggests that corruption perception is a more important factor than authoritarian orientations in shaping adolescents' political trust in more economically developed countries while the reverse pattern is found in less developed countries.

• The Journal of Society for e-Business Studies
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.173-187
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• 2012

As newspapers which have been major news media are being replaced by on-line news media in recent years, many researchers are paying attention to "comments(news users' short remarks on an article)", a newly emerged way of forming public opinion. This study is examining how the similarity between political disposition of on-line news visitors and that of news media impacts upon their evaluation on quality of comments from the viewpoint of 'social identity theory.' This study may have academic significance because it inspected the pattern of media usage and the cognition of comments in relation to political disposition for the first time and showed 'comments reading' and the function of comments to form public opinion(comments journalism).

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.227-231
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• 2024

This study purports to examine the potential effects of welfare attitudes of Korean people upon their political orientation. The 17^th Korea Welfare Panel Data(KWPD) in 2022 are used for this purpose. Independent variable include sex, age, education, interest in politics, and employment status. Discriminant analysis show several results. First and foremost, pre-established discriminant function works well for classification of respondents' liberal vs conservative stance. Secondly, except gender and dummy variable for temporary employed, all independent variables contribute significantly for the classification at a given significance level. . Finally, welfare attitudes of respondents', measured by universalism vs selectivism and the attitudes upon increasing tax for welfare expenditures are found to be significant and relatively big impacts upon dependent variable, compard to other variables in the model. The nature of causal relationship between welfare attitudes and political orientation remains for further study.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.8
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• pp.300-314
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• 2018

This study, expending the existing concept of hostile media perception to biased media perception, empirically examined the effects of TV audience's political disposition(liberal, neutral, conservative) and broadcasting company's political disposition perceived by the audience(liberal, neutral, conservative) on evaluations of the broadcasting channel(interestedness, diversity, creativity, reliability, usefulness, fairness, public interest). With the nationwide online survey data from 624 adult audiences, a broadcasting company evaluated as the most neutral in political disposition at the moments of data gathering was selected and respondents' evaluations of the broadcasting channel were analyzed in a two-way factorial multiple analysis of covariance(MANCOVA). The results showed that the perceived political disposition of the broadcasting company affects audiences' evaluations of the channel while audiences' their own political dispositions do not. In addition, due to the interaction effects between audience's and broadcasting company's political dispositions, congruency in political dispositions led to positive evaluations(congenial media perceptions) while incongruency led to negative ones(hostile media perceptions). Based on these results, theoretical and empirical implications were discussed in terms of the formation of attitudes toward TV broadcasting channels.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.5-28
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• 2018

The recent changes in Korean elections are mainly characterized as the downfall of the Conservative party. It is surprising, considering that the conservative party gained the historical support from the electorate in 2012, just several years ago. This paper claims that the downfall of the Conservative party is mostly derived from the perceptual conflicts and inconsistencies in the mind of the conservatives. The findings show clearly both attitude conflicts for the conservatives and its effect of asymmetrical (in)activation of participation. As their preferences to the conservative candidate and party became weaken, the conservatives remained to be inactive participants in elections. On the other hand, the liberals could make political decisions easily, having popular candidate and preferable political party. It suggests that, in order to participate, the electorate needs attractive candidate as well as parties to support in election. To revive as an active political actor, the conservative party should focus on the search of attractive candidates for the conservative electorate and reform the party in accordance with ideological preference of the electorate.