• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.119-143
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• 2009

Public disapproval of National Assembly is resulted not only from the structural peculiarity of its decision-making process, but from the gap between public expectation of the National Assembly and its performance. While Korean electorate, being interested in politics with relatively high level of political efficacy, hold higher expectation from politics, the National Assembly fails to satisfy public expectation. In particular, irresponsible behaviors of representatives and the crippled operation of the National assembly are responsible for the low level of public trust to it. Institutional reform and individual efforts of representatives are necessary to promote public trust toward the National Assembly.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.36
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• pp.198-230
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• 2006

The aim of the this study is to observer paradoxal phenomenon in media election. The media, especially Television, was traditionally a journalistic operation representing political events on the outside of political camp. But recently, it intervenes to 'the political camp' as the most important method for election campaign. A centripetal of electronic medias making the dominant political space offer an alternative plan which get over the modern crisis of representative democracy. Even though, to the production of the political symbol and the operation of symbol which constitute substantial system of political action, the human being subject is excluded and the technical system of communication make up a govern structure. So it makes the contradictory situation. TV broadcast for election campaigning show well this paradoxal situation. The institutionalization of electoral broadcasting oriented by the State strengthens an immensification, an economical and political efficiency and a transparency of electoral campaign. But the means which controls the mind of public is also strengthened. It relates the production and circulation of the political symbol and the symbolic image restricted by dominator. In conclusion, this study argues that the media election is institutionalized by the instrumental reason(procedural rationality of politics and technological rationality of broadcasting), therefore the candidate take a fragment roles for the production of transcendental political symbol and the voters accommodate to the symbolic images which are foreseen and they judge.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.181-215
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• 2017

The study found that the origins of modern Korean welfare regime are closely related to the political and economic order of the U.S. military rule between 1945 and 1948. The creation of developmental state in 1960s and 1970s can not be imagined from the standpoint of the U.S. military rule. The U.S. military government dismantled the labor movement and the farmers' movement, and dealt a devastating blow to leftist political forces. Through this process, the U.S. military government turned the political landscape of the Republic of Korea, which was dominated by left-wing political forces in August 1945, completely transformed into the political landscape dominated by right-wing political forces. Moreover, it would not have been possible without the physical force of the US military government to transplant American capitalism instead of the social (democratic) state that the majority of the Korean people wanted. Through farmland reform, the traditional landowning classes were broken down, the revolutionary farmers turned into conservative peasants, and the distribution of factories owned by the Japanese led to the birth of a new capitalist class that was subordinated to the state. From the viewpoint of the welfare regime, the most significant meaning of the US military government is that it laid the foundations for the developmental state in the 1960s and 1970s in Korea.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.103-132
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• 2020

By analyzing the characteristics and meaning of dystopia in Korean juvenile science fiction, this study aims to search for the principles of juvenile literature responding to the contradictions of scientific technologism in collusion with state capitalism, and to consider its limitations and significance. This study focuses on the juvenile science fiction in which children or teenagers fight against system dystopia functioning as a setting of the story. System dystopia consists of 'fake utopia' and 'concentration camps' holding those excluded from this 'fake utopia'. Young people whose right to life are violated under the system dystopia escape from concentration camps and fight against political power. We don't have many novels that have focused on environmental dystopia, but a nomadic subject is found in works set on Earth after environmental pollution or nuclear explosion. In short, juvenile dystopia science fiction deepens the contradictions of the hierarchical society based on scientific technologism, criticizing the repressive, material-oriented and differential educational realities of our society. They hope that children or teenagers will act as a resistance that sees through the deception and hypocrisy of the social system. These works are significant in that they expose the biopolitics strategy of political power in collusion with industrial capitalism and induce us to reflect on it. However, it seems to be the limit of humanism to equate human life with nature and to warn of dangers of technology, machinery, and material civilization as the counterpart. This paper has the significance of taking a general survey of juvenile dystopia science fiction since the 2000s, and revealing the writers' perception of scientific technologism and its limitations.

• JOURNAL OF ELECTRICAL WORLD
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• s.292
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• pp.21-26
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• 2001

올해는 건청궁 시등으로부터 114년, 한성정기회사 설립으로부터 103년이 되는 해이다. 모두 한 세기를 훌쩍 넘어선 이런 때에 통합체제였던 전력사업이 다시 분할 민등화되는 전력사적 대 전환점에 서게 되었다. 지난 한 세기 동안 전력사업은 정치, 경제, 사회의 변혁 그리고 전력기술의 발전과 더불어 소용돌이쳐 왔다. 사회 경제와 밀접한 연관관계를 갖는 공익사업이기 때문에 공익을 위해 겪어야만 했던 발자취이다. 한성전기 설립 이후 일정말기 태평양전쟁 수행을 위해 정치적, 전FIR적 개편을 강행한 것을 제외하면 순수한 공익목적 달성을 위해 사업의 발전적 해체 및 재정비가 이루어진 전력사적 대 전환점은 세 번 정도 있었다. (1) 초기의 창업과 사업의 난립, (2) 발송전설비의 계획적 배치와 배전권역의 대통합, (3) 통합 한전의 발족 등이 그것이다. 대전환의 도래는 약 35년에서 40년 주기를 보이고 있는데 경제변환주기처럼 순환론적 메커니즘에 의한 변환을 겪은 건 아니지만 ''전력사적 변환''의 필요성이 제기되어 몇 년씩 들끓다가 의식의 순화과정을 거쳐 새로운 구조로 탈바꿈한 발전단계를 거쳐왔다. 지금 우리 전력산업계가 대전환의 시점에 직면해서 여러 가지 진통을 겪고 있는 것도 새로운 체제가 태어나는 역사적 필연의 단계라고 할 수 있다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.237-260
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• 2009

This article deals with the problem, of wether the change of party discourse influences the change of the political finance system and the change of political finance system again effects the political discourse. The political finance and state funding system for parties in Germany is a product of political debate and conflict from the 1960's to th 1990's. The introduction of the state funding system faced critical public opinion at the beginning, and the German parties have initiated a discourse building process as the initiator role and major actor. The state funding system for parties has changed three times and shows, how the constitutional interpretation became dominant in parliament and the constitutional court, which considers a party as a fundamental and essential institution in a democratic system.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.82
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• pp.53-72
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• 2011

The North Korea have supported their own political ideological education system to maintain their basic framework of society. The north korean political education contents become from now on it be done harder. That answer is up to the government of the North Korea, and the general public in North Korea would be going after it. However, when we review this closely, both positions of the North Korean government and the general public would be different each other as before. I would figure out whether the political ideological education system in North Korea would be going on with making realistic changes or just maintaining their old system. The political and ideological education might make settled flexibility. On the other hand, we can expect that it could be reinforced by the North Korean government. For this content, this research is going to try to understand the characteristics of North Korea's ideological education policy considering both position of the North Korean government and the general public thoroughly.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.69-76
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• 2017

This paper focus on universal values and characteristics of populist parties of the Western Europe. Moreover, the causes of the European populist parties successful political activities in the European society, in which democracy is relatively established, quite stably, examined as well. Populist political activities based on simple speech are evidently unfair political actions mobilizing the unreasonable populace. populist politics is difficult to coexist with the modern Western European democracy.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.93-135
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• 2017

Due to their geographic proximity to Beijing, the Southeast Asian states under the fallout of the China's growing power are struggling to seek the art of diplomacy to promote their national interests. This study explores why Cambodia previously taking a pro-US strategy after the end of the Cold War has switched to a pro-China one in the context of the rise of G-2 system, the ASEAN regionalism, the country's national interest and Hun Sen's regime legitimation. Theoretically, this study takes a realist constructivist approach and tries to find how realist interests and norms have affected the Hun Sen's regime legitimation. The relationship between China and Cambodia has been deepened by mutual economic interdependence and increasingly stronger Chinese power. Especially, the Chinese massive economic aids and investment have enormously supported the regime legitimation of Hun Sen. On the other hand, The US value diplomacy promoting democracy and human rights has undermined the Hun Sen's legitimacy and strained the two nations' relationship. However, the Hun Sen's pro-China strategy is not to check and balance against US strategic interests and not to recognize the Chinese hegemonic position in Southeast Asia. It is a hedging against the US value diplomacy while maximizing economic and other gains from China. ASEAN has been playing a coordinating role to limit the scope of power politics among big powers and to mitigate its ramifications. Yet, since the US and Chinese interests are so keenly criss-crossing, Cambodia may continue to react to the G-2 system through bilateral relations with them.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.171-182
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• 2014

As several kinds of social public affairs come into the fore, public service advertising gets more important. In addition, the theme of the public service advertising differs depending on a country's political, economic, social and cultural characteristics, and there are unique public service advertising operating systems. This study assumed that the operating systems of the public service advertising might differ in Korea and China because of political, social, and cultural differences. Thus, the public service advertising operating system carried out by KOBACO and CCTV, the subjects of the public service advertising operation of Korea and China were classified into three categories (public service advertising operation status, public service advertising theme and public service advertising management and supervision) for a comparison. Through literature review and expert in-depth interview, data were collected and analyzed. Based on the data, 5 public service advertising development policies were proposed. The results of this study will contribute to the public service advertising production strategy and institutional development of Korea and China in the future.