• Title/Summary/Keyword: 정치체제

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Efficacy of UN's Sanctions on North Korea's Nuclear and North Korea's Regime Survival Strategy (유엔의 북핵 대북제재조치의 실효성과 북한의 체제생존전략)

  • KIM, JOO-SAM
    • Korea and Global Affairs
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    • v.2 no.1
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    • pp.69-92
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    • 2018
  • North Korea conducted a total of six nuclear tests from the 1st test of 2006 to September, 2017. North Korea developed an armed forces security strategy at the level of regime protection and defense to respond to U.S. hostile policy. However, it is certain that strategic goals of North Korea's nuclear test were to overcome a crisis in North Korea's regime through US-North Korea negotiation and complete nuclear armed forces for socialist unification on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea's continuous nuclear test is a direct factor in threatening peace on the Korean Peninsula and an indirect factor in security dynamics of Northeast Asia. The U.N. Security Council has enforced sanctions against North Korea through six resolutions against North Korea's reckless nuclear test for the past 10 years. However, Kim Jong-Un's regime is in a position to stick to simultaneous pursuit of nuclear and economic development in spite of anti-North sanction of international society including U.N. and U.S.A. It is understood that North Korea was stimulated to conduct intense nuclear test as U.N. and U.S.A's anti-North sanction was not effective on North Korea. Full-scale and local wars are expected as military options, one of anti-North sanctions of the Trump administration. The Trump administration has attempted diplomatic pressure strategy as a secondary boycott unlike previous administrations. Nevertheless, North Korea has stood against U.N. and U.S.A's anti-North sanction with brinkmanship tactics, announcing full-scale military confrontation against U.S. It is judged that North Korea will pursue simultaneous nuclear weapons and economic development in terms of regime survival. North Korea will have less strategic choices in that its regime may collapse because of realistic national strategy between U.S.A. and China.

A Study on a Democratic Records Management System in Korea (자율과 분권, 연대를 기반으로 한 국가기록관리 체제 구상)

  • Kwak, Kun-Hong
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.22
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    • pp.3-35
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    • 2009
  • We have innovated the records management since 2004. So, We innovated the electronic records management, transparency, and accountability. From these results, we could mark a turning point to plant the democratic values in the government It is very surprising, but it is fact that there are the estrangement between the high level institutionalization and low level records cultural soil. But after starting new government, things have been going backward. We have experienced the hyper-politicized problem, shrinking governance problem, regressive personnel policies in the National Archives of Korea. 'New Innovation Model' has resulted the shrinking democratic values, and the growing the bureaucratism. At this point of change, it will be meaningful to review the future of records management. First, we should make the more archives to realize the self-control decentralization model. It means that all local governments has the duty to build the archives, and to operate it with a principle of autonomy. Second, We should start the culture movement to build the more archives, the small archives in private sector. Archives are necessary in the NGO, Universities, firms, art, media, etc. And the small archives are necessary in the various communities, which enhance the rights of minority. All these will spread the democratic values in our society. Third, right democracy system should be operated for the political neutrality, independency. This problem is not prohibited within the national archives innovation model. So, we should transfer the powers of government to local government, and we should re-innovate the National Archives Committee will have the role to make the important records management policies. In short, Unless going to forward with the more democratic values, it would go backward 'records management without democracy'.

Vietnam in 2016: The Situations and Prospects of Politics, Economy, and International Relations (베트남 2016: 정치, 경제, 대외관계의 현황과 전망)

  • LEE, Han Woo;CHAE, Su Hong
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.1
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    • pp.163-191
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    • 2017
  • This article aims to review the recent, especially focusing on the year of 2016, situations and prospects of the Vietnamese politics, economy, and international relations. Politically, Vietnam completed the election of members for the National Assembly and organized new leadership at the 12th National Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party in 2016. One characteristic of the new leadership is that the politicians, especially the members of politburo, from the North continue to occupy the position of majority. The other one is that the new leadership promised to carry out the restructuring of economy toward industries producing higher value-added commodities even though Vietnam industries admittedly need to accelerate present industrialization and modernization as a developing country under the seemingly contradictory slogan of "the development of market economy for socialism." The declared goals of the new leadership in Vietnam are inevitable in a sense since the development of Vietnamese economy has been heavily dependent upon Foreign Direct Investment(FDI) taking advantage of Vietnamese cheap labor and simultaneously it is evident that its future is unsecure if it maintains status quo. In fact, the Vietnamese economy has impressively showed high growth rate by the help of foreign capitals since 1990s despite the repetitive recessions of global economy but its growth is not likely to be sustainable anymore if it will not reduce foreign dependency and social economic inequality in a long term. In a short run, global economic recession, the financial and monetary policies of global powers, and recent protectionism and uncertainty of trade agreements will be three crucial variables to affect Vietnamese economy. In terms of international relations, Vietnam is continuously expected to practise the policy of checks and balances among the powerful countries. Vietnam has seriously disputed with China on islands sovereignty in the South China Sea and attempted to maintain close relationship with other powerful countries including especially America. However, mainly due to the new protectionism by the regime of American president Donald Trump, the Vietnamese government also need to keep close relationship with China increasingly for both economic and diplomatic security. Under the circumstances, Vietnam is expected to maintain more practical and balanced international relations.

Social Backgrounds and Clan Politics of Kazakhstan Elites: Focusing on Elites from Junior Zhuz (카자흐스탄 엘리트의 사회배경과 씨족 정치: 소주즈(Zhuz) 출신 엘리트를 중심으로)

  • Bang, Ilkwon
    • Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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    • v.14 no.1
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    • pp.77-106
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    • 2010
  • As for the matter of guardianship-benefit network which has been at the heart of the discussion of power elites and clan politics in Kazakhstan, it has been often maintained that it is basically formed by the framework of the regional and descent connection net called Zhuz or at least it has been heavily under Zhuz's influence. But it is pointed out that the controversy of Zhuz suffers from a lot of limitations in explaining the surface of power elites in the recent process of political changes and the rearrangement of power relations. Consequently, this paper tried to take a closer look at the matter focusing on the social backgrounds of elites from Junior zhuz, who have been estimated to be relatively pushed back in terms of the advancement into the central power. As a result, it was found that the backgrounds of clan and tribe origin within Zhuz couldn't have any foundation to be seen as a decisive element through which they could grow into power elites. The phenomenon of Kazakhstani elites is a legacy of concrete historic situations. The important consideration points for analyzing the emergence of elites which could be applied to a nomadic and traditional society can hardly be an invariable framework for analyzing modern elites since independence. Since 2000, Kazakhstan has experienced economic changes including privatization due to the absolute strengthening of presidential influence which turned into a foundation for a new authoritarian system, the rearrangement of the inner circle of power, and their decisions. These changes in situations have had profound effects on the character of power elites. The phenomenon that clandestine connections have shown their appearances as they have gotten intertwined with various factors, in particular, in the economic field which has been heavily under Junior zhuz makes us convinced that the elite organization in Kazakhstan has always been the product of political and economic changes. In reality, the behaviors of elites were the outcome continuously reflecting environmental situations surrounding them, and those situations lie in a complicated and multiple-layered connection net. Therefore, it is believed that having interests in elites' social backgrounds and maintaining many pieces of information on them will be able to be a more useful approach to analyzing the elite society in the future in that interests in their social backgrounds become an informant of various network formation nets which reflect real situations.

Water Governance and Basic Water Law (물거버넌스와 물관리기본법)

  • Lee, Seung-Ho;Kim, Sung
    • Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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    • 2009.05a
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    • pp.385-389
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    • 2009
  • 본 연구의 목적은 물거버넌스 개념과 1997년, 2006년 물관리기본법안 분석을 통해 한국의 새로운 물관리 체제를 모색하는 것이다. 물거버넌스는 물관리정책과 계획의 수립, 시행, 평가에 있어 정부뿐만 아니라 일반 기업, 시민, 환경단체, 전문가 등 여러 이해당사자를 참여시키는 것을 핵심으로 한다. 거버넌스란 기존의 정부 주도의 정책 계획, 수립, 시행이 아닌 비정부 조직과의 타협, 협의, 논의를 통한 양방향 정책결정 과정을 뜻한다. 따라서 물거버넌스의 가장 중요한 원칙은 다양한 이해당사자 참여를 통한 정책결정의 복수화 과정이다. 한국의 물거버넌스를 시행하기 위해 가장 필요한 요건은 이해당사자 참여를 우선 중앙, 지방정부에서 그 필요성을 인식하고 법, 제도 등을 통해 제도화하는 것이다. 환경부 주도로 입안된 1997년 물관리기본법안은 물관리일원화, 적정사용, 유역관리, 비용부담, 균형배분의 5원칙을, 2006년 물관리기본법안은 물관리일원화 대신 통합물관리, 적정사용 대신 수요관리를 삽입하여 5원칙을 제시하였지만 이해당사자 참여는 원칙에 포함시키지 않았다. 이해당사자 참여 원칙의 제도화가 없이는 위의 두 법안이 제시한 원칙의 적용과 시행이 어려움에 봉착할 가능성이 높다. 왜냐하면 다른 원칙은 다양한 이해당사자 참여를 통한 사회적 합의 없이는 시행이 쉽지 않은 정치적으로 민감한 사항들이기 때문이다. 예를 들어 물의 균형배분 원칙 관련, 만약 상류와 하류 주민 간의 합의가 없이 어느 한 이해당사자의 일방적 행위가 있을 경우 큰 갈등을 유발할 수 있다. 물거버넌스을 실행하기 위해 중앙에 필요한 조직은 물이용 관련 물분쟁 발생 시 이를 조정하고 국가물관리계획을 수립하며 물관리 문제 전반을 총괄하는 조직이다. 1997년, 2006년 기본법안은 국가물관리위원회 설치를 제시하였고 2006년 기본법안에서 보다 구체적으로 위상, 운영, 역할 등에 대해 언급하였다. 하지만 국가물관리위원회는 물관련 중앙부처의 장, 지방행정조직의 장만을 포함하여 유역관리를 책임질 유역관리조직의 장에 대한 언급이 없다. 물거버넌스 실현을 위한 유역관리 시행이 바람직하기에 유역관리조직의 장도 국가물관리위원회에 참여하는 것이 바람직하다. 또한 두 기본법안 모두 국무총리실 산하에 위원회를 속하게 하였는데 이를 수정하여 대통령 직속기구로 규정하는 것이 국가물관리위원회가 정치, 행정, 재정적 압력에서 벗어나 일관성 있는 정책을 펼 수 있는 지름길이 될 것이다. 또한 지방의 물문제를 물관리계획에 적절히 반영하고 대응방안을 수립, 시행하기 위해서는 정부 관료뿐만 아니라 지방의회 의원, 환경단체, 기업, 시민, 전문가 등의 다양한 이해당사자가 참여하는 유역위원회가 필수적이다. 또한 유역 관련 물관리계획을 수립하고 사업을 추진하는 유역관리청도 필요하다. 유역위원회와 유역관리청은 유역 내 여러 이해당사자들이 물관리에 대해 다양한 의견을 개진하고 토론하며 합의점에 이르는 거버넌스를 수립할 수 있는 중요한 조직이다. 두 기본법안은 유역관리 원칙을 제시하긴 하였지만 유역관리 시행 관련 조직, 역할, 운영 등에 대해서는 언급이 없었다. 한국의 물관리는 소득, 문화 수준 향상으로 인한 양질의 물공급에 대한 요구, 시민사회의 발전, 지방분권화 등 정치, 경제, 사회의 변화를 수용하고 발전해 나가기 위해서는 여러 이해당사자의 참여와 합의에 바탕을 둔 물거버넌스 수립이 무엇보다 중요하다. 또한 이를 시행하기 위해서는 물관리기본법을 하루 속히 제정하여 제도적 기반을 갖춰 보다 효율적인 물관리시스템을 수립해야 한다.

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Micro-Geopolitics against the U.S. Forces in S. Korea: Local Problems Caused by the U.S. Military Bases and Strategies for their Resolution (주한미군의 미시적 지정학 - 미군기지로 인한 지역사회의 범죄 및 환경 문제의 발생과 해결방안 -)

  • Choi, Byung-Doo
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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    • v.9 no.3
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    • pp.297-313
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    • 2003
  • Problems caused by the U.S. military bases have attracted little attention until recently due to the national security of S.Korea and the peace of North-Eastern Asia, emphasized from the perspective of macro-geopolitics. However, since the political regime has been democratized and political discourses have been liberalized from the 1990s, those problems become a nation-widely serious social issue, though they have been brought about on the local areas. Thus, it can be suggested that micro-geopolitics is highly relevant and significant in approaching the local problems caused by the U.S. military bases, and ultimately resolving the macro-geopolitical problem of longstanding unfair relations in the SOFA and the withdrawal of U.S. troops. This paper aims to consider local problems caused by the U.S. military bases and resolving strategies from the perspective of micro-geopolitics. First of all, it discusses some significance of the micro-geopolitical perspective, as it has been recently emphasized in political geography in considering local problems and politics of life on the basis of place, then looks on empirically criminal and environmental problems caused by the U.S. military bases, analyses the questionnaire date on the perception of local dwellers around the military camps in Nam-gu Daegu, and finally suggests strategies to resolve those problems, which level up from the micro to the macro-scale of geopolitics.

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A Comparative Study on the Vietnam and the Philippine's Responses to the Chinese Threat in the South China Sea (베트남과 필리핀의 대중국 전략 비교연구: 남중국해 해양 분쟁에 대한 대응을 중심으로)

  • JUN, Sanghyun;LEE, Jeongwoo
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.28 no.4
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    • pp.31-76
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    • 2018
  • This article explores why the two Southeast Asian countries, Vietnam and the Philippines, choose different strategies to cope with the Chinese threat. Despite the evident Chinese threat in the South China Sea, Vietnam has not meaningfully expanded the military cooperation with the United States, whereas the Philippines, ironically, has distanced itself with its ally, the United States. Existing studies on the topic does not offer a satisfactory explanation. We assign that two cases are examples of "underbalancing" - the failure of balancing even though there is an evident threat. Furthermore, we demonstrate the difference between cases of the Philippines and Vietnam by arguing that the number of veto players affects the outcome of foreign policy, underbalancing of two countries. The Philippines has only one veto player, the president, hence its response to external threats is incoherent. On the other hand, the number of veto players in Vietnam is more than one and those players demand negotiation among them on the matter of foreign policy. Upon analyses on two cases we argue that the former is the case of underbalancing caused by a lack of policy stability, while the latter is the case of underbalancing caused by a lack of policy responsiveness.

A Theoretical Model for Effective Public Diplomacy (효과적인 공공외교 분석을 위한 이론적 모형)

  • Kisuk Cho;Hwajung Kim
    • Public Diplomacy: Theory and Practice
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    • v.2 no.2
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    • pp.1-26
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    • 2022
  • Since the seminal publication of Joseph Nye's Soft Power, soft power became the central concept to public diplomacy. However, over-emphasis on soft power, which is still controversial, deterred academics from producing valuable knowledge that can be applied to practices in the field. Soft power is a cause and effect at the same time and thus it makes systematic analysis almost implausible because it is not only a tool for successful public diplomacy, but it is a result of successful diplomacy. This study aims at offering a theoretical framework linking soft power and public diplomacy by including various factors that may affect the outcomes of effective public diplomacy. This theoretical framework assessing the effectiveness of public diplomacy will make it possible to explore how and when new public diplomacy was adopted in a certain country and examine hard and soft power resources. The model also includes political system variables such as ideas and values, institutions, governance, leadership, and communication system, which are expected to influence public diplomacy effectiveness rather than soft power itself. The model yields the effectiveness of public diplomacy by assessing outcome and impact relative to input and output that are applicable to practices. The model is expected to enable both quantitative and qualitative studies generating possible propositions from the model with some preliminary outcomes of comparative case studies.

Educational Reforms under the Bologna Process in Former Socialist Countries: An analysis of educational policy transfer (체제 변환기 러시아 및 동구권 국가들의 교육 개혁이 정책 전이 논쟁에 주는 시사점: 볼로냐 프로세스를 중심으로)

  • Kim, Sun
    • Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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    • v.27 no.1
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    • pp.145-169
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    • 2017
  • The purpose of this study is to investigate the influences of educational policy transfer on transitional countries by analyzing the impacts of the Bologna Process on the educational systems of former socialist countries in Europe including Russia, Ukraine, and Hungary. For this purpose, documents published by European Union and its associated educational institutions, as well as academic institutions and scholars were analyzed to evaluate the changes made not only in the systemic level but also institutional and personal levels. The Bologna Process, instigated by the rise of knowledge economy and globalization, is purported to be the most influential educational reform conducted by the member countries since the formation of EU. However, unlike its original intentions to promote the voluntary participation of universities and students, the Bologna Process strengthened the structure of centralized bureaucracy in the educational systems, and restricted the freedom of professors, since most of the universities in these countries relied on governments for their funding. This indicates that in analyzing the influences of educational policy transfer in transitional countries, it is important to analyze the roles and motivations of actors participating in the decision-making processes. Moreover, Bologna Process reforms, made under the direction and control of government, were often turned into cases in which administrators hurriedly implement new policies against the will of faculty members and students, thus impeding the efficient localization of the reforms. This case, thus, implies that while educational reforms driven by policy transfer can change external systems and policies of universities, the fundamental reforms in the minds of faculty and inner workings of organization can only come about after a careful consideration of the societal and cultural values embedded within society.

Encounter Measure System Against Cyber-Terror And Legalism (사이버테러 대응체제와 법치주의)

  • Jeong, Jun-hyeon;Kim, Kui-nahm
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.4 no.3
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    • pp.83-90
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    • 2004
  • Preventive measures and control over cyber terrorism in Korea is a complex problem. Today laws should meet requirements made by modern technologies development, Law enforcement, special services and judicial system cooperation, their efforts coordination and their material security are priority directions, None of the country is able to prevent cyber terror independently and international cooperation in this field is vital. Taking the above into consideration, we propose and inisit that National Intelligence Service(NIS) should share cyber terror data with Police Agency and have top police authority over the cyber terror.

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