• Korean Business Review
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.105-122
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• 2007

This paper identifies the dimensions of political risk on the basis of the classification between risk and uncertainties to implement the precise identification and assessment of the various types of political risk and develop the sound assessment model to accomplish their practical applications. This paper shows the concrete and detailed processes of deriving the assessment models and applying them with the microsoft excel spreadsheet, confirms the result of Butler and Joaquin(1998), and presents the methods of identifying the various combination effects of the political risk impact and the covariance relationship with the market portfolio return through the sensitivity analysis.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.27-43
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• 2012

본 연구에서는 미얀마, 베트남, 일본에서 외부문명의 영향을 받은 것으로 여겨지는 정령숭배의 특징에 대하여 논하고자 한다. 우선, 각 국가의 전승을 비교해볼 때 정령숭배에 있어서 충격적인 상황 속에서 사망한 이들에 대한 신앙이 중요하다는 점을 지적하였다. 다음으로 정령의 형성에 있어서 정치적 역할이 개입되었다는 사실을 논하였다. 마지막으로 종교 혼합주의는 성(性, gender)과 관련되어 있음을 주장하였다.

• Bulletin of the Society of Naval Architects of Korea
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.73-88
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• 1990

The three dimensional aspects of hydrodynamic impact are discussed. Theoretical and experimental results for a sphere and a cusped body are presented. The cusped body is axisymmetric and resembles the bow profile of a ship with flare. The sphere was subjected to both vertical and oblique impact angles while the cusped body experienced only vertical motion. Three dimensional calculations using normal dipole distributions and an equi-potentioal free surface are compared with experimental results. The theoretical boundary value problem was solved using a known interior flow. This procedure reduced computation times significantly. Comparisons between theory and experiment show that, depending upon the body shape theoretical estimates of the maximum impact force may be larger or smaller than the experimental values. But the theoretical estimate can be used for practical purposes.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.15 no.6_2
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• pp.107-119
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• 2015

The key objective of terrorism is to create favorable conditions for certain political, ideological, or religious interests through deliberate social chaos and the spread of fear. Accordingly, terrorist groups rally the means and methods capable of spreading fear among the public through shocking violence. Consequently, as terrorism manifests the progress in modern civilization and the structure of international community, its concepts, means, and methods evolve organically with the progress. The characteristics of the modern terrorism include that it has evolved as a means of war against countries by non-state militant groups, and suicide terrorism is spreading like epidemic as it fits the strategies of Islamic extremist and terrorist organizations as a part of international politics based on terrorism. The humanity's efforts to eliminate the threat of terrorism led to decades of implementing premature policies of military force, but they were found ineffective and resulted in the spread of extreme threat of suicide terrorism. For prevention of suicide terrorism, the efforts must be made to dismantle the basis of suicide attacks through addressing religious alienation and antipathy against a civilization using the notions similar to treatment of pathology considering psychological motives of suicide terrorists.

• The Optical Journal
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• s.141
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• pp.33-35
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• 2012

샌디에이고 국제 광학 및 포토닉스 박람회(SPIE Optics + Photonics)가 지난 8월 12일부터 16일까지 남부 캘리포니아의 아름다운 항구도시 샌디에이고(San Diego)에서 개최됐다. 한미자유무역협정(FTA)이 발효되었는데도 단 하나의 국내 기업만이 전시장에 출품하는 실정이다. 따라서 협회는 회원사들의 미국 진출을 지원할 수 있는 신규 사업을 조속히 시작할 필요가 있다. 최근 삼성과 애플의 미국 특허소송에서 삼성전자가 완패해 천문학적인 배상금을 지불해야 한다는 충격적인 뉴스가 전해졌다. 이로 인해 애플사는 미국 주식 역사상 가장 비싼 시가총액 세계 1위 기업으로 등극했다. 창의력이 중요한 이 시대에 아직도 국내 산업, 경제, 정치가 1980년대를 주름잡았던 무조건 밀어붙이면 된다는 식의 '쌍팔년도 사고(思考)'에서 벗어나지 못하고 특허전쟁에서 완패당했다고 생각하면 안타까운 심정을 금할 수 없다. 이번 삼성과 애플의 특허전쟁이 국내 제조업계가 창조적으로 환골탈태하는 계기가 될 수 있을 것이다. 국내 광학업체들이 일본, 대만, 중국 등과의 치열한 경쟁으로 정신없이 바쁘더라도 해외 전람회에 창조적이고 감성적인 신제품을 출품해야 세계 최고의 글로벌 기업으로 도약할 수 있을 것이라고 생각한다.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.93-135
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• 2017

Due to their geographic proximity to Beijing, the Southeast Asian states under the fallout of the China's growing power are struggling to seek the art of diplomacy to promote their national interests. This study explores why Cambodia previously taking a pro-US strategy after the end of the Cold War has switched to a pro-China one in the context of the rise of G-2 system, the ASEAN regionalism, the country's national interest and Hun Sen's regime legitimation. Theoretically, this study takes a realist constructivist approach and tries to find how realist interests and norms have affected the Hun Sen's regime legitimation. The relationship between China and Cambodia has been deepened by mutual economic interdependence and increasingly stronger Chinese power. Especially, the Chinese massive economic aids and investment have enormously supported the regime legitimation of Hun Sen. On the other hand, The US value diplomacy promoting democracy and human rights has undermined the Hun Sen's legitimacy and strained the two nations' relationship. However, the Hun Sen's pro-China strategy is not to check and balance against US strategic interests and not to recognize the Chinese hegemonic position in Southeast Asia. It is a hedging against the US value diplomacy while maximizing economic and other gains from China. ASEAN has been playing a coordinating role to limit the scope of power politics among big powers and to mitigate its ramifications. Yet, since the US and Chinese interests are so keenly criss-crossing, Cambodia may continue to react to the G-2 system through bilateral relations with them.

• Korean Architects
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• no.8 s.316
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• pp.77-87
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• 1995

국내외에 엄청난 충격과 파문을 일으켰던 삼풍백화점 붕괴사고는 그동안 방향 감각을 잃은 채 양적팽창에만 매달려 왔던 우리 건축계의 지난 과거와 현실을 참담한 심정으로 뒤돌아보게 하고 있다. 사고이후 우리사회 전반은 건설ㆍ건축분야 뿐만이 아닌 정치, 경제, 교육 등 총체적 분야에 걸쳐 자기반성과 '더 이상 이대로는 안 된다'는 변화를 찾는 분위기를 확산시키고 있다. 이 같은 어이없는 참사를 당하고서도 우리사회 전반의 의식과 관행 및 제도적 변화가 뒤따르지 않고서는 우리의 장래는 삼풍 사고보다 훨씬 더 잔혹하고 암담해 질 수 밖에 없을 것이다. 본지는 이번 사고를 통해 다른 분야는 차치하고라도 한국건축계 전반에 걸쳐 아직도 개선되지 못하고 누적되어만 가는 문제점들과 장애요인들을 진단해 보고 이에 대한 대책을 제시해 보고자 한다.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.115-145
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• 2014

In this paper, the transition of the status of Chinese novels and the change of the knowledge field in the modern times from the end of 19th century to the early 20th century, the transition period between the tradition and the modern times, have been investigated based on Liang Qichao's assertion of the Revolution of the Novel World. How the traditional novels have been evaluated, how modern novels enlightened a people and changed the political society, and what role novels acted in the change of the knowledge field are investigated. Especially I looked into the accumulations of knowledge and changes inside China which were overlooked in the previous researches which focused on the inflow of the Western culture and its impact on Chinese culture. Firstly the evaluation and classification of the traditional novels are considered. Because the transition of the status of novels and the classification method of the catalog of books are tightly coupled with the change of academic ideologies. Later I tried to understand novels as a way of thinking the modern times with a discussion on the changes of modern knowledge society and the consideration of Liang Qichao's Revolution of the Novel World in the two viewpoints, i.e. the relationship between novels and political society, and novels and the style of writing. Liang Qichao raised novels to the topmost position of literature. He pushed the traditional poetry off the top position and replaced it with popular novels. As the outside impact of Western culture made Chinese novels a tool for enlightening the ignorant people and the medium of propagating the knowledge, the status of novels was elevated to the highest level which novels had never reached in the past. With the limitation that the valuation was not based on the aesthetic appreciation of art but based on the value for politics and society, novel was a discourse of life and death to save the country and a container of knowledge to rebuild the people's mind and convert the crisis of the national ruin.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.53
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• pp.53-72
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• 2011

has become the representative program of EBS after first airing in 2004. After seeing as a media text, this study was fulfilled on the basis of Bill Nichols' "Rhetoric" discussion, in order to analyze the structural method and social meaning of the program. As a result of the study, we were first able to see that was taking form as a documentary to make a constructive statement on current affairs related to Korean society, by mobilizing 'knowledge' related to these issues. Second, the "rhetoric" plays an important role in the program's process to generate meaning, and despite the text being relatively short, the rhetorical process undergone for the generation of meaning has been fully reflected. Moreover, the program was successfully structuring a new method of generating meaning by enthusiastically raising questions and choosing a unique method of vision mix. Third, by looking at the study's results in-depth, we can see that was creating a ideological place for open discussion, which was providing viewers with the satisfaction of overcoming our society's dominating ideology and forming new ones. In that sense, the easily accessible 'knowledge'that surrounds us holds somewhat of a political meaning. On top of that, it can be seen that the program especially, is a media text that holds a cultural political meaning, which is an important factor to consider in the Korean broadcasting industry. In conclusion, we found out that this program uses 'knowledge' to see the possibility of 'knowledge'journalism by making constructive statements through a 'rhetorical' process.