• Annual Conference on Human and Language Technology
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• 2022.10a
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• pp.16-21
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• 2022

사전학습 말뭉치는 위키백과 문서 뿐만 아니라 인터넷 커뮤니티의 텍스트 데이터를 포함한다. 이는 언어적 관념 및 사회적 편향된 정보를 포함하므로 사전학습된 언어 모델과 파인튜닝한 언어 모델은 편향성을 내포한다. 이에 따라 언어 모델의 중립성을 평가할 수 있는 지표의 필요성이 대두되었으나, 아직까지 언어 인공지능 모델의 정치적 중립성에 대해 정량적으로 평가할 수 있는 척도는 존재하지 않는다. 본 연구에서는 언어 모델의 정치적 편향도를 정량적으로 평가할 수 있는 지표를 제시하고 한국어 언어 모델에 대해 평가를 수행한다. 실험 결과, 위키피디아로 학습된 언어 모델이 가장 정치 중립적인 경향성을 나타내었고, 뉴스 댓글과 소셜 리뷰 데이터로 학습된 언어 모델의 경우 정치 보수적, 그리고 뉴스 기사를 기반으로 학습된 언어 모델에서 정치 진보적인 경향성을 나타냈다. 또한, 본 논문에서 제안하는 평가 방법의 안정성 검증은 각 언어 모델의 정치적 편향 평가 결과가 일관됨을 입증한다.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.59-66
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• 2020

This paper considered the measures of securing political neutrality of the prosecutor on the reform of the prosecution. The nation's prosecution has enormous authority. In the meantime, the prosecution enjoyed unlimited power uncontrolled with investigative rights, prosecution monopoly, and police investigation command. No other country has as much power as the Korean prosecution. However, the prosecution, which enjoys such power, is placed on the task of reforming the prosecution due to poor democratic control. Has there been such a prosecutor in Korean history who only looks forward and wields long sword ehrflqtjdrhk against corruption in power? So far, the prosecution has conducted investigations that suit the administration's taste, and the prosecutors have been on the rise in return. That is why the previous administrations tried to ensure the political neutrality of the prosecution. As such, We would like to consider legal logic to analyze the sincerity of the prosecution reform. To this end, the first is to consider the authority of prosecutors and prosecutors. Second, consider the internal requirements of the government's reform of the prosecution. Third, establish the direction of prosecution reform.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.575-582
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• 2020

We proposes a method to estimate political preference of users who write comments on internet news. We collected and analyzed a massive amount of new comment data from internet news to extract features that effectively characterizes political preference of users. We expect that it helps user to obtain unbiased information from internet news and online discussion by providing estimated political stance of news comment writer. Through comprehensive tests we prove the effectiveness of two proposed methods, lexicon-based algorithm and similarity-based algorithm.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Computer Information Conference
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• 2021.01a
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• pp.113-114
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• 2021

우리나라 경찰은 광복 이후 경찰제도가 국가경찰제도로 자리 잡아 오랜 기간 동안 중앙집권적 경찰제도로 운영되어 왔으며, 1991년 「경찰법」의 제정으로 경찰위원회가 설립되었다. 경찰위원회는 경찰행정과 관련된 주요 정책 등을 심의·의결하는 기능을 가진 합의제 행정기관이지만 본래의 경찰위원회 기능을 수행하지 못하고 단순 자문기관에 불과하다는 문제점이 있다. 이에 2020년 12월 「경찰법」 전부개정안이 통과되어 법이 개정됨에도 불구하고 국가경찰위원회의 운영과 구성에 있어 문제점이 여전히 존재하고 있다. 이에 본 연구에서는 국가경찰위원회의 문제점과 개선방안을 제안하고자 한다.

• 한국경영정보학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2008.06a
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• pp.1084-1087
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• 2008

새로운 인터넷 응용 프로그램들이 등장하면서 망 중립성에 대한 논의는 계속되고 있다. 백본망 제공자의 입장에서 자신의 망에 부과를 주는 응용프로그램들 때문에 비용을 추가로 지불해야 한다는 사실은 오래된 문제이긴 하지만 새롭게 주목을 받고 있다. 많은 연구가 인터넷혼잡에 대한 문제 해결을 위해 가격체계를 도입해야 한다는 사실을 밝혔지만, 종량제 도입시도는 사회적 저항을 불러일으켰다. 하지만 IPTV나 VoIP와 같은 응용프로그램들이 요구하는 품질을 맞추기 위해서 망 투자는 계속되어야 하지만, 정치적 사회적 반대로 인해 사업자의 선택은 제한되어 있다. 한편 인터넷 버전 6를 위한 구축비용이 엄청나며, 새로운 표준 도입의 기술적 문제 때문에 많은 사업자들이 주저하고 있다. 이 논문은 우선대기열을 사용해서, 망 사업자가 무차별, 무계급(non-priority)에 기반한 인터넷에서 차별화된(prioritized) 인터넷 망 서비스를 제공할 때 일어날 수 있는 문제를 살펴본다. 현재의 서비스 수준보다 더 좋거나 같은 수준의 (즉 Pareto-improving) 서비스를 차별화된 가격체계에서 제공할 수 있을지에 대한 가능성과 문제점들을 살펴보면서, 망 사업자와 사용자 모두에게 유익할 수 있는 방안을 검토해 본다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.7
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• pp.592-599
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• 2017

The possibility of establishing the committee was increased because of the pledge of the President Moon Jaein for the national education committee. Thus, the purpose of this study was to discuss about its necessity and the meaning of legislation. The study method was to analyze existing studies (concept establishment, overseas cases, and legal research), media materials, and internet materials. It also suggested positive and negative functions in establishing the national education committee. Its positive functions are; first, stability of policy, second, political neutrality, third, seeking the nature of education, and fourth, improvement of possibility. Negative functions are; first, establishing the committee could be poison, second, argument in position and role, third, issue of agreement, and fourth, populism policy oriented.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.301-308
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• 2009

This paper studied the scheme to realize the manifesto as the method of resolving the side effects after the introduction of the superintendent's election system, a direct election by local residents, in order to implement participative democracy in the educational field. When the superintendent's election system playing an important role in protecting the identity of a state is intruded by the political logic, ideology or factional interest, it leads to the educational crisis such as the damaged independence of the policy and the like. The local educational autonomous system is the institutional arrangement to secure the independence and neutrality of education based on morality and guarantee the democratization and decentralization of educational administration. The scheme to resolve the corrupt aspect of the election of the superintendent is to lead election to the policy-based election. This paper presents the scheme to realize the manifesto movement of the superintendent's electoral campaign to resolve this side effect. All political agents and candidates should be allowed to make free access to diverse information to draw up the manifesto and raise the reliability of the manifesto itself, be guaranteed neutrality, speciality, objectiveness, fairness and the like. In particular, it can be seen that the core task is whether citizens can be involved in the manifesto movement through a shift in their thinking about educational autonomy.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.5
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• pp.658-668
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• 2019

The political influences of general programming channels have grown with the help of the current affairs talk programs for years but also these channels have been criticized as politically biased media. This study investigates the characteristics of the panels who had appeared for 6 months since July of 2017 and examines the relationship between the panels' talk and the position of political parties. The results show that jobs of the casting panels were introduced as neutral ones which are not related to politics. However, after reclassifying them in terms of their political careers, most panels were more likely to be involved in political parties. In addition, they tend to support the positions of the ruling or opposition parties. The more the association with the political party, the stronger the panel's comments. The partisanship of the panels should be clearly presented in the broadcasting programs. It is necessary to distinguish genres of current affair programs by consistent standards to ensure consistency of deliberation. Lastly self-regulation of program producers should be more strengthened.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.52
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• pp.135-153
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• 2010

Dong-a Ilbo tried to assume leadership of opinion in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. Dong-a Ilbo was to try to promote the atmosphere of anti-trusteeship=anti-communism=anti-Soviet Union, distorting the decision of a conference of three foreign affairs ministers in Moscow. It was not an incorrect report, but the false report. As a result, the formula of an anti-trusteeship=anti-Soviet Union=anti-communism=patriotism, and a pro-trusteeship=pro-Soviet Union=pro-Communism=traitor was formed. And the important problems of land reform and pro-Japanese‘ clearance were missing. Historically, political newspapers had appeared in the periods of very important political change. Political newspapers played a role as mouthpiece for political party or group. Dong-a Ilbo was such a political newspaper. It was that Dong-a Ilbo tried to change the social atmosphere in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. And history was distorted.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.167-177
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• 2018

Major countries, such as the U.S., UK and Germany have reformed their national intelligence systems in the face of transnational, asymmetric and comprehensive threats since September 11, 2001 and have strengthened the intelligence capacity involved in countering terrorism and WMD proliferation, right/left extremism threats. The Korean Moon Jae-in government is preparing a reform plan to eliminate illegal political intervention and abuse of power by the National Intelligence Service(NIS) and to rebuild it as an efficient national intelligence agency for national security. In discussing the reform direction of the NIS, it is necessary to discuss in detail whether adopting a separate model of intelligence agencies to restrict domestic intelligence activities of the NIS and concentrate on foreign intelligence activities or establish new domestic intelligence agencies. Second, as for the issue of transferring anti-Communism investigation authority of the NIS to the police, it needs to be carefully considered in terms of balancing the efficiency and professionalism of intelligence agency activity in the context of North Korea's continuous military provocation, covert operations and cyber threats. Third, it should strive to strengthen the control and supervision functions of the administration and the National Assembly to ensure the political neutrality of the NIS in accordance with the democratization era, to guarantee citizens' basic rights and to improve the transparency of budget execution.