• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.18 no.8
• /
• pp.300-314
• /
• 2018

This study, expending the existing concept of hostile media perception to biased media perception, empirically examined the effects of TV audience's political disposition(liberal, neutral, conservative) and broadcasting company's political disposition perceived by the audience(liberal, neutral, conservative) on evaluations of the broadcasting channel(interestedness, diversity, creativity, reliability, usefulness, fairness, public interest). With the nationwide online survey data from 624 adult audiences, a broadcasting company evaluated as the most neutral in political disposition at the moments of data gathering was selected and respondents' evaluations of the broadcasting channel were analyzed in a two-way factorial multiple analysis of covariance(MANCOVA). The results showed that the perceived political disposition of the broadcasting company affects audiences' evaluations of the channel while audiences' their own political dispositions do not. In addition, due to the interaction effects between audience's and broadcasting company's political dispositions, congruency in political dispositions led to positive evaluations(congenial media perceptions) while incongruency led to negative ones(hostile media perceptions). Based on these results, theoretical and empirical implications were discussed in terms of the formation of attitudes toward TV broadcasting channels.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.27 no.1
• /
• pp.131-161
• /
• 2017

The political dynamics of Malaysia in 2016 should be seen as a process of losing an political opportunity mainly due to the split in opposition parties. The opportunity for political development was triggered by the ruling party in crisis. The ongoing 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal involving the Prime Minister Najib Razak would have provided a favorable condition for the transfer of power. The opposition parties have however failed to utilize the chance that has arisen since the general elections in 2008 and 2013 due to the chronic problem of disunity. It can be seen as distortions of political development referring to a phenomenon in which a chance for regime change formed by the crisis in authoritarian regime is distorted by internal conflicts among opposition parties. Malaysia's political turmoil seemed to paralyze its economy while foreign policy was used as a tool for domestic politics. It was reported that the key economic indicator have worsen including exports and budget deficit. The ringgit had dropped to its lowest level since the economic crisis in 1997-98 which was mainly attributed to diminishing credibility on the Najib's administration. Najib's political struggle has also impeded Malaysia's foreign policy which has attempt to embrace China and the Rohingya issue. The chance to manage key risks would be diminished if oppositions' disunity continues as there is speculation that the general election could be held in 2017.

• Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
• /
• v.28 no.1
• /
• pp.293-315
• /
• 2017

This study investigated how college students seek and use information sources at the time of their decision making (especially during elections on this study). More than 360 students in 12 colleges located in Seoul were randomly selected and participated in this study. The survey asked them what kind of information sources they use at the time of their decision making as well as when they use information as usual. Several criteria for information evaluation were adopted to analyze information attributes and information seeking behavior of the population. Compare to the previous studies, Internet resources are more used than ever, information credibility and authority affected more to the population's political decision making. Additional examinations were executed to see deeper story of their information seeking at the end.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.18 no.11
• /
• pp.298-305
• /
• 2018

This paper explored the impact of adaptive efforts for the 4th Industrial Revolution(hereafter, 4IR) on social cohesion at national level. To examine this relationship, Latent Growth Model was applied to thirty one OECD membership countries, 2006-2015. Adaptive efforts for 4IR was measured by the 4IR Relative Readiness(WEF, 2016) and social cohesion was measured by Corruption Perception Index(Transparency International) and trust on politicians(WEF). Results showed that corruption perception significantly decreased by the 4IR Relative Readiness and legal protection(judiciary independency and corporate ethics) and trust on politicians significantly increased by judiciary independency. These results imply that public and corporate efforts for the 4IR does not necessarily have negative impact on social cohesion as long as legal protection such as judiciary independency and corporate ethics are equally pursuit at national level.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.18 no.6
• /
• pp.385-398
• /
• 2018

This study aims to explore implications by analyzing voters' behaviors and attitudes of political campaigns & political advertising audience in the 19th presidential election. For this purpose, in-depth interviews with 59 voters who voted in the last election were conducted, and interviewees were allocated by their gender and age. As a result, the motivation to ballot for a candidate was based on the candidates' political affiliations to a party, political inclinations, and election pledges. Voters also determined whom they would vote for after watching the final TV debate. The biggest issue of this election was to create jobs in the public sector, an economical issue. TV was the most trusted medium among the voters, and TV debates had the greatest influence in changing the minds of the voters. Voters thought that Shim, Sang Jung was the best on TV debates and that An, Chul Soo was the worst. Also, voters recalled An, Chul Soo the most among all election posters, but they recalled Moon, Jae In the most out of other political advertisement methods. Therefore, the results elucidated the voters' behaviors and the audience's attitudes in political advertising, and this study provided theoretical and practical implications to be utilized in future presidential election campaigns and political advertising endeavors.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
• /
• v.10 no.3
• /
• pp.103-129
• /
• 2004

This article examines the Korean adolescents and adults' social representation and trust of Korean society and people using indigenous psychological analysis. Respondents were asked to write in an open-ended questionnaire their perception of the following five aspects: Korean politics, economy, society, culture and people. They were then asked to report why they trust or distrust Korean society. A total of 1,064 respondents (218 middle school students, 200 university students, 218 fathers of the middle school students, 218 mothers of the middle school students, and 210 teachers) completed a questionnaire developed by the present researchers. The data were collected during April to June, 2003. The results indicate that 94.5% of Koreans view the existing political system and politicians as being corrupt, inept, factional, and lacking in integrity. A vast majority (84.9%) recognize the existence of systemic problems in the Korean economy. A total of 78.2% see problems in Korean society being dominated by selfishness, factionalism, conservatism, and social uncertainty. For Korean culture, a majority of respondents report being proud of its cultural tradition, accomplishment, and creativity. At the same time, 45.7% report loss of cultural identity and pride due to external influences. More than half of the respondents report negative aspects of Korean people (i.e., selfish, lack of morality, rushed, and overly focused on their social image), while nearly half of the respondents report positive aspects of Korean people as being compassionate, cooperative, good-natured and hard-working. As for reason for trusting Korean society, around a third report "because it is our country," followed by its future potential, and the good-nature and willingness of Korean people to work hard. The reasons for distrusting Korean society is the dishonesty politicians, corruption, institutional ineptness, and economic uncertainty. These results indicate a low level of collective efficacy in influencing and affecting change in Korean society.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
• /
• v.11 no.spc
• /
• pp.133-161
• /
• 2005

The present paper examines trust, interpersonal relationship, and civil society in Scandinavia and East Asia. In the first section, the concepts of trust and democracy are defined. In the second section, the cultural transformations that paved the way for the development of democracy in the West and Scandinavia are reviewed. In the third section, the basis of trust and democracy in East Asia, focusing on Confucianism, is reviewed. In the fourth section, a review of an empirical study conducted with a national sample in Denmark, Sweden, Japan, and Korea is presented. The results indicate that both the Scandinavian and East Asian respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy and trust close ingroup members. East Asian respondents are less likely than Scandinavian respondents to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and much less likely to trust political and government institutions. Scandinavian respondents prefer tolerant leaders who lead by ideas, while Koreans prefer strong paternalistic and moral leaders. Japanese respondents are less supportive of paternalistic leaders. Overall, results indicate that in Scandinavia and East Asia, although the basic ideas about democracy and human rights are similar, the methods of implementing these ideas are different. When compared with Scandinavia, there is much lower transparency and accountability in East Asia. In the final section, the challenges that the modern democracies face are discussed.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.18
• /
• pp.269-303
• /
• 2002

This article presents a historical account of media role in the transition and consolidation period of democracy. Despite the assumption that media plays a important role in the construction of democracy, it is less clear how the media can affect the process of political change itself. This article seeks to answer some of these question, based on the Mill's macro-social comparative 'method of difference' of Korea and Spain. It is widely agreed that both states achieve democracy through transaction from above(pacts). Media role, however, differs significantly in accordance with authoritarian legacies and civic representativeness of the pacts. Whereas Korean dailies is deepening given market oligopoly and prior practices after democratization, Spain dailies market entirely changed in both structural and spiritual respects. As a result, Korean dailies substantially lacks in civic representativeness as before, contrary to Spain. Spain television settled a sort of the external pluralism. Korean television is pursuing the BBC type of internal pluralism. In Korea, television is more commercial than Spain. Consequently, Spain media serve the consolidation of democracy more than Korea on the whole.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.19 no.4
• /
• pp.150-161
• /
• 2019

This study analyzed the impact of social trust and conflict perception of news users on news use. To this end, 548 adults aged 20 and under 69 were surveyed online. The analysis results are as follows. First, the level of awareness of social conflict has been shown according to people's political orientation. Second, the higher the trust in society, the greater the use of news regardless of land-based, comprehensive, and online channels. Third, the perception of social conflict was related to the use of news through JTBC, TV Chosun, Channel A and YouTube. Fourth, the age and political orientation of news users influenced the use of news by channel. Finally, the more progressive the tendency was to use news through JTBC or to watch news on portals. On the other hand, the more progressive the use of news through three terrestrial broadcasters, TV Chosun, and Channel A decreased. In conclusion, this study is meaningful in terms of the user-oriented discussion of the news environment and the impact of an individual's social perception on news use.

• Proceedings of the KIEE Conference
• /
• 2006.11a
• /
• pp.177-179
• /
• 2006

현재 전세계적으로 공급 안정성과 전력 신뢰도 및 품질을 높이는데 국가간 연계가 하나의 대안으로 떠오르고 있다. 특히 동북아 전력연계는 정치적 또는 경제적 제약들 때문에 연계가 이루어지지 못하고 있다. 향후 동북아 전력계통 연계를 고려해 볼 때 국가간 계통 상황 및 효율적인 방안을 분석하여 합당한 거래 제도를 수립할 필요가 있다. 본 논문의 목적은 현재 각국의 전력 거래제도를 분석하여 동북아 전력연계시장에 맞는 거래제도를 제시하는 것이다. 서론에서는 동북아 연계의 의의를 알아보고, 현재까지 진행된 동북아 연계방안에 대한 자료조사를 바탕으로 조사연구들에 대한 특징을 간략하게 알아본다. 본문에서는 동북아 각국의 시장 상황과 세계 각국의 전력 연계 시장에 대해 살펴보고 현재 동북아 시장에 알맞은 연계 시장의 거래제도를 제시하고자 한다. 마지막 결론에서는 동북아 전력계통 연계 시 현재와 미래상황에 맞는 연계 시장의 거래제도를 제시하고자 한다.