• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.5
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• pp.179-190
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• 2015

This study discusses on the influential factors of satisfaction in communication by focusing on the political communication phenomenon that is revealed in our society. The acts of political communication and its communication satisfaction are examined by exploring individuals' political inclination and their media usage which are the main influential factors of political communication. An interview survey was conducted on a thousand adults over the age of nineteen who are residing in sixteen cities and provinces nationwide. As a result, a high rate of online media usage was observed among people with progressive political inclination. It showed that the political communication acts of 'writing/communicating' which indicates ons actively posting their personal opinions, has a positive influence on communication satisfaction. On the other hand, the usage of offline media was dominant over people with conservative and neutral political inclination. A passive act of 'reading/watching,' which is to observe other people's opinions, was shown by most of the interviewees. Therefore, it was able to discuss that in order for a harmonious flow of political communication among our society, the understanding of citizens' political characteristic must be preceded and the differentiated political communication using media must be raised accordingly.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.285-293
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• 2021

Politics and conflicts within organizations are natural phenomena found in any type of organization, affecting organizational outcomes and output variables. Nevertheless, there are not many previous studies on politics and conflict within nursing organizations. Therefore, in this study, we would like to analyze how the internal politics and conflicts, which have been excluded from the previous studies related to nursing organizations, affect the quality of communication between nurses. Data were collected from 310 nurses in an university hospital. Using SPSS21, the data were analyzed by descriptive statistics, Pearson's correlation analysis, and multiple regression analyses. As results of the analyses, the organizational politics and relationship conflict have negative effect on the quality of vertical and horizontal communication, and task conflict has a positive effect on them. Organizational politics and relationship conflict have negative effects on quality of formal communication. Organizational politics and conflicts did not significantly affect the quality of informal communication. These results suggest that active, managerial efforts should be executed to overcome the negative effects of organizational politics and emotional conflicts among nurses. Furthermore, empirical research on organizational politics and conflicts within nurses organizations should be expanded.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.52
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• pp.90-110
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• 2010

This study problematizes the youth‘s politico-cultural process of identification as becoming in the context of candle demonstration in Seoul, 2008. We examine their ethical subjectivity, communicative subjectivity and political subjectivity based on our analysis of depth interviews of teenage activists in the candle demonstrations. It is suggested that instead of naming the teens as the historical consequence of so-called 386 generation, or social product in the neo-liberal economic and educational conditions, we need to understand the complexities and dynamics of the youth’s practice of identity politics: subjective pain and anxiety in daily life, creation and sharing of pleasure and fun of peer group comunication are mixed into the pursuit of justice in their social activation of generation/gender politics.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.301-332
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• 2009

The 16 century Yulgok had lived have been evaluated as the golden age of Seonglihak(性理學) in Korea. However, on the contrary, excessively desperate was the real social and political situation which Yulgok had descirbed. Therefore, eventhhough the Seonglihak centered-reseach is meaningful, this research had the limitation in analyzing the politics in those times. In studying Yulgok's thought, the established researches had focused on philosophic theory centered-orientation. However escaping from that orientation, in this essay I try to restructure Yulgok's enlivened political experience that he had worldly seen, felt, heard and performed in 16th's real politics. While the established researches had absorbed in Kyeonghak(經學, the interpretaion of Confucian Cannon), I try to restore Kyeongse(經世, governing and managing the state) based on Yulgok's worldly political experience. The major concept on which I have focused is Pye(弊, the abnoxious custiom in political and official sphere). Yulgok's offical life had begun with the problematic of how to overcome Pye inherited by Kwongan(權奸, a politically villainous retainer). In the process, he had focused on the worldly performable issue, Minsaeng(民生, the livelihood of the people), not on the abstract and theoritical concept, Min(民, the people). He recognized the cause of desperate situation had resulted from Pyebeob(弊法, the obnoxious law, its system and its execution), and tried to reform Pyebeob in the various way. The next concern of Yulgok came to Pyejeong(弊政, the obnoxious politics, its system and its execution), which interrupted not to reform Pyebeob. According to Yulgok, Pyejeong resulted from the wrong fulfilment of official-scholar elite in government, and the distorted public opinion in governemt. This fact demonstrates two elements mentioned above had common root of the absence of communication of public opinion. Yulgok recognized the importance of Ui(議, the discussion) than of Ron(論, the dabate) and then reviving Ui, Yulgok had tried to arrange the foundation for the communication of public opinion in political sphere.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.72
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• pp.217-264
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• 2018

The purpose of this research is to understand the view on people(百姓) and Lee Won-ik(李元翼)'s view on politics, comparing with Seonjo(宣祖)'s view on them. They as political actors sufficiently cognized the condition of life of people had been very desperate. Seonjo had approached from politics to the life of people, while Lee from the life of people to politics. The former has the precariousness of transformation and instrumentalisation of the life of people. The latter has the possibility of the life of people to lead the politics. Lee's stance was on the latter aspect. He had tried to conceive the people as they are, in other words as reality, not as they should be, in other words as idea. He refrained the elucidation of people from confining it within dichotomy structure of ruling-ruled. He had tried to conceive the organic relationship between people and other existences within community. He did not give knowledge-centered question of what is the life of people, but gave situation-phenomenon-centered question of how people has been living. This approach eulciates Lee's focus on the problems of Gongyi(工役), military service(軍役), Labour service(?役), the reduction and exemption of the tax, and the appointment of provincial officer(守令). As for Lee Won-ik, the best form of life of people is to make people have mind to deserve to live, to economize their power(寬民力), to make them savor their life(樂民生), and to make their life easy(安民).

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.7-48
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• 2009

The recent crises of Marxism do not mean Marx’s crisis. Marx said that he was not a Marxist. The purposes of this essay explore (1) the modern identity of the political economy; (2) the possibilities of mutual understanding between neoclassical economics and Marxist economics; (3) problems of the political economy in media and communication industry. I have begged for analytical Marxists, because of their good fruits. They accepted the methods of modern social science and they constituted a tremendous advance in the application of the scientific methods to the study of society. In insisting on micro-foundations(methodological individualism), analytical Marxism distinguished itself from structuralism and functionalism. I appreciate that analytical Marxism has reduced a theory to practice. But the works didn’t listen to everyone(from Marxists to un-Marxists), and explain everything. Making theory with production/consumption, macro/micro, and structure/behavior is a road to the political economy in the long run. It also applies to media and communication industry. The realm of media/communication is broad, which in philosophy, humanities, politics, economics, sociology, and engineering. And media policy is more complicated by politicians who look at the same situation from different angles. By the aid of interdisciplinary research, the political economy of media/communication shall explain at full length.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.5
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• pp.350-366
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• 2022

The objective of this study is to empirically verify the relationship between the image of politicians, political belief agreement, and voting intention recognized through YouTube content, centering on the 4·7 Seoul Mayor's Election. A survey was conducted on voters in their 20s or older living in Seoul, and the following main results were derived. First, among the factors of politician image, morality, leadership, and administrative power were found to have a significant positive effect on political belief agreement. Second, it was found that the consensus of political beliefs with politicians had a significant positive effect on voters' voting intentions. Third, it was found that among the factors of politician image, political ability and communication ability had a directly significant positive effect on voting intention. Fourth, it was found that politicians' morality, leadership, and administrative power all had a significant effect on voters' voting intentions through political consensus. The significance of this study is that this study identified the factors of politician image on political belief agreement and voter voting intention by applying the relationship between politician image, political belief agreement, and voter voting intention to YouTube content.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Disaster Information Conference
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• 2015.11a
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• pp.217-220
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• 2015

위험에 대한 인문사회학적인 고찰은 물리적이고 기술적으로 대응하는데 주력하는 재난관리 연구에 새로운 통찰을 제공하고, 재난관리가 국민들에게 제공되어지는 국가의 서비스라는 측면에서 많은 시사점을 제공할 수 있다. 한국에서의 위험에 대한 인문사회학적 논의는 산업사회의 다음 단계로써 현대사회가 바로 위험사회라는 사회변동론적인 접근을 하는 울리히 벡의 "위험사회론"에 경도되어 풍부한 논의와 발전이 이루어지지 못하고 있다. 루만의 위험사회학은 소통에 기반을 둔 방대한 사회체계이론으로 위험에 관련한 소통을 위해와 위험으로 구별함으로써 현대사회에서의 위험에 대한 인식과 대처에 새로운 안목을 제시함과 동시에 문제점을 파악할 수 있도록 한다. 또한 루만의 위험사회학이 이론적으로 정교한 체계이론에 기반하고 있기 때문에 행위자기반 시뮬레이션을 통하여 위험과 관련된 체계들, 즉, 재난관리체계, 정치체계, 법체계, 경제체계, 환경 체계, 언론체계, 등의 다이나믹스를 이해할 수 있는 토대를 마련할 수 있다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.294-300
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• 2010

With the development of media technology, UCC actively working through the medium of the Net, the Internet space, which can influence politics instead of TV is drawing attention as the new leading media. As the one-sided media influence of TV is dwindling in the times of the Internet, the hegemony of the media is rapidly changing into UCC marked by two-way interaction. Especially, UCC has the characteristic that it has changed the people performing a role as the receptor of the media into the agent of enormous political influence as well as the freshness specific to its contents. This study was intended to investigate the types of diverse political influences of UCC in political practice as well as daily politics with a focus on the fact that it can newly project the world led by the media and their changes and exercise strong power in changing the society. Therefore, it attempted to investigate the political influence and ripple effect that UCC can exert by attempting to analyze what political influence UCC can exercise at diverse political situations including election. As a result, UCC led to four situations such as incentive-exploding type, issue-leading type, dispersion-switching type, direction-obeying type. This can be said to lead to the positive effect at the political field, such as implementing direct democracy through digital technology.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.47
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• pp.125-148
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• 2017

This paper analyzes Korean aesthetic characteristics of Korean independent animation, which is closely related to artistic and social characteristics, by searching Korean independent animation image for the winner of "Indie AniFest", the only independent animation film festival in Korea. And social communication methods. There are three ways in which Korean Independence Animation shows the way of speaking through award-winning works. The first is a method of expressing feelings, impulses, and desires in a formative way, and a direct and sensuous image as in sign language or sound. In the second method of speaking differently with images, in the third method, It makes the voice of the fringe through the real world of the story sound as a story of reality. Animation is a medium that 'originalizes and communicates meaning' as an image, and has implemented and constructed a new way of speaking, which is different from existing social voices. Nevertheless, it is not easy to find a research that approaches animation from the viewpoint of social and political speech through images. Therefore, this paper is necessary for the balanced development of animation. In addition, this study can contribute to re - examining Korean independent animation from an academic point of view and to discover and evaluate fair value from a wider perspective.