• Proceedings of the KGS Conference
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• 2003.05a
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• pp.19-24
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• 2003

경계 및 접경지역 연구는 일찍이 근대지리학, 특히, 정치지리학의 시작과 함께 중요한 연구 주제였으며, 2차 대전 이후 전후 유럽의 재편과 함께 크게 각광을 받았고, 꾸준히 정치지리학의 주요한 주제였다. 1990년 이후 유럽 사회주의 국가의 물락 이후, 동서 냉전 체제의 해체는 전 세계적으로 수많은 접경지역의 변화를 가져왔다. 또한, 전 세계적으로 전면적인 전쟁의 위험이 사라진 대신 국지적인 전쟁에 의하여 국경분쟁이 자주 발생하여 접경지역에 대한 연구는 많은 관심을 불러 일으켰다. 특히 이스라엘과 팔레스타인간의 갈등 그리고 파키스탄과 인도간의 갈등. 러시아 연방내에서 러시아 정부와 체첸간의 갈등은 국경분쟁의 대표적인 예이다. (중략)

• Informatization Policy
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.3-22
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• 2011

The study of online social movements is basically concerned about the impact of the Internet on the existing social movements. More specifically, researchers have paid attention to changes in participants, leadership style and movement strategies caused by the Internet. Due to the Internet, networks of the individuals who are geographically scattered or a network of networks have emerged as new movement agents. Researchers have also analyzed a repertoire of collective action adopted by the online social movements. The increase in online social movements calls for a new interpretation of the existing social movement theories such as resource mobilization, collective identity and political opportunity structure. There are still a lot of debate about the impact of the internet on social movement and the resulting changes. Not only the early debate of cyber-optimism and cyber-scepticism, many studies done by the mid-range perspective also suggested different arguments on the impact of the Internet. This discrepancy comes from a relatively short history of online social movement study, which leads to a limited number of case studies and a shortage of date accumulations. In the future, researchers need to place more attention on the unique characteristics of different technologies and comparative studies of online social movements. The study should also extend its focus to a wide range of political systems in order to explain the impact of online social movements on political intermediary organizations and the democracy itself.

• Proceedings of the Korean Association for Survey Research Conference
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• 2000.11a
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• pp.109-125
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• 2000

본 논문은 3개 기초자치단체 지역주민들을 중심으로 이들 지방정부의 투자우선지출 순위에 관한 지역주민의 의식을 분석해 보았다. 이러한 분석은 근본적으로 지방정부의 공공지출을 통한 투자사업 활동이 지역주민의 선호순위와 일치하는지를 검증해보기 위한 선행연구로서의 의미를 가지고 있다. 지역에 따른 행정기능별 우선지출 순위분석에서 볼 때 일반행정부문의 경우 세지역 모두 기획조정분야에 가장 큰 우선지출을 요구하고 있고 산업경제 부문의 경우 지역특산물생산과 지역공단육성에 큰 관심을 보이고 있으며 사회복지부문의 경우 쓰레기처리 및 폐기물관리 등에 우선적인 관심을 보여 생활환경의 정비에 큰 관심이 있는 것으로 분석되었다. 지역개발사업의 경우 도시계획 및 도시정비사업이 그리고 민방위부문의 경우 재난관리와 화재예방의 부문에 특히 우선지출의 관심을 보이고 있었다. 지방자치단체의 공공지출에 영향을 미치는 주요요인들은 주민참여도, 정부.기업관계, 정치적 연계, 기획과 예산구조, 공공투자 재원보조, 등으로 구성되어 있으나 각 요인별로 구성변인에 따른 지역주민간의 인식은 다르게 나타남을 알 수 있었다. 이상과 같은 지역주민들의 공공지출형태의 다양성과 여러 기대조건들을 충족시키고 그럼으로써 행정서비스에 대한 지역주민의 만족도를 극대화하기 위해서는 각 지방정부는 그들 지역내 특수한 사회 경제적 여건하에서 새로운 고객관리전략을 수립하여야 할 것이다.

• Proceedings of the Korea Information Processing Society Conference
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• 2001.04b
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• pp.775-778
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• 2001

이 논문에서는 현재 그 진위가 한국 고대사 연구의 초미의 관심이 되고 있는 화랑세기 등 고대사 저술의 진위를 판단하는 과학적 방법론을 제안하는 데 있다. 이런 방법론의 전통은 성서의 바울서한의 저자의 진위 논쟁, 세익스피어 작품의 진위논쟁 등 세계적 관심이 되는 것에서부터 정치적 사건 및 개인의 송사에까지 다양한 스펙트럼에서 논구될 수 있으며 이런 결과들은 현재 우리의 인문학계 특히 고대사학과 민족 정체성에 대한 거대 담론들에 대한 여러 형태의 유용한 실증적 전거를 마련해주게 될 것이다. 또한 다학문적, 학제적 연구의 새로운 모멘텀이 될 수 있을 것이다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.7
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• pp.154-167
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• 2016

This study is to analyze whether the use of SNS in politics has any political effects. Most previous studies on political participation by SNS tended to just focus on the participation difference between SNS users and non-users. The test results first show that the development of ICT increases citizens' interest in political information and differentiate the methods of their political participation. Second, we identified SNS users tend to have higher reliability in political information and greater transversion effects by the use of media. Finally, the study verifies SNS is a more effective tool in collective actions such as non-customary rallies and demonstration rather than in customary political participation.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.137
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• pp.16-16
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• 1993

많은 미래예측서들 중에 동남아를 중심으로 한 태평양 연안의 발전을 낙관적으로 조망한 책들이 다수 끼어 있다. 미래의 바다로 예견되는 태평양권의 발전은 일본을 비롯한 '네 마리 용'의 역할에 따라 변화가 예상된다는 것이 필자들의 한결같은 주장이다. 한편 한반도의 통일이 국제정치와 경제에 많은 영향을 끼칠 것이라는 예견도 있어 관심을 끈다.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2005.05b
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• pp.492-496
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• 2005

River is characterized by its transboundary flow not recognizing human political, administrative, and social boundaries. Water management is also strongly connected to land management. Those features reflect emerging difficulties in managing contemporary water resources. This study consists of three parts to identify theoretical concept of river management and to show how river management has differently practiced in South Korea and the United States. In part one, the Korean case shows the water quality oriented river basin management in the 1990s. The second part reveals the disappearing pattern of river basin management and the spreading watershed movement in the United States. The final part compares basin-scale river management practices of the two countries and evaluates the differences between them. The United States concentrates more on watershed management rather than river basin management while South Korea understands that both river basin and watershed are important. Therefore, the Korean case is recognized as more complicated than the American case.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.69-76
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• 2017

This paper focus on universal values and characteristics of populist parties of the Western Europe. Moreover, the causes of the European populist parties successful political activities in the European society, in which democracy is relatively established, quite stably, examined as well. Populist political activities based on simple speech are evidently unfair political actions mobilizing the unreasonable populace. populist politics is difficult to coexist with the modern Western European democracy.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.3-18
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• 2015

We explore the issues on online political participation study in Korea compared with international one. More specifically, we characterize Korea's study trends as focusing on "who" is participating while international studies center on what the new "forms" of online political participation are. In other words, domestic studies try to show that online media play a role as a factor promoting bottom-up model of civic participation. Moreover, this function of online media is stimulated by the rapid growing of civic participation during democratization and citizens' deep disapproval of political institutions since then. However, previous studies are more interested in the expansion of participants, in particular, ordinary people. Therefore, the themes on conceptualizing and categorizing the online political participation seem to have been treated lightly. In this perspective, we need to view online political participation in a more multidimensional manner. In addition, we should pay attention to "those who do not participate" as well as "those who participate" in politics. Because the current media environment more tends to provoke citizens' political indifference than ever before. If it comes to that, we will be likely to face the circumstances worrying the democratic divide beyond the digital divide.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.5
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• pp.691-709
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• 2007

This paper investigates the social and political construction of geographical scale in conjunction with Korean housing politics. Recently, attention has been drawn to the issue of the social and political construction of geographical scale. Spatial scales have increasingly been regarded as socially constructed and politically contested rather than ontologically pregiven or fixed. The scale literature has paid attention to how different spatial scales can be used or articulated in social movements, with an emphasis on 'up-scaling' and 'scales of activism' rather than 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation.' Furthermore, the scale literature has focused on the aspect of empowerment. However, it is worthwhile to examine how scale-especially 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation'-can be used not only for marginalizing or excluding unprivileged social groups, but also for controlling the (re)production of space, including housing space. Under a regulatory regime, the Korean central government gained more control over the (re)production of housing space at geographical multi-scales by means of 'jumping scales,' specifically 'down-scaling.' The Korean central government has increasingly obtained the capacity to 'jump scales' by using not only multiscalar strategies for housing developments, but also taking advantage of various scales of institutional networking among the central and local governments, quasi-governmental institutions, and Chaebols, across the state. Traditionally, scale has been regarded as an analytical spatial unit or category. However, scale can be seen as means of inclusion(and exclusion) and legitimation. Choosing institutions to include or exclude cannot be separated from the choices and range of spatial scale, and is closely connected to 'scale spatiality of politics.' Facilitating different forms of 'scales of regulation,' the Korean central government included Chaebols and upper- and middle-income groups for the legitimization of housing projects, but excluded local-scale grassroots organizations and unprivileged social groups as decision-makers.