• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.84
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• pp.5-32
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• 2009

It is becoming harder and harder to philosophically defend liberalism in general under the circumstances in which neoliberalism is presumed to be blamed for today's global economic crisis. I nonetheless believe that liberal democracy can be revitalized with the help not from outside but from inside, although this might make my paper 'untimely'. Philosophical reflection on market is indispensible to the project of radical liberalism. Philosophy of market first delves into the nature of market in Principle. Next, it stipulates upon the complex interrelationships between the market order and the democratic order. This inquiry will cast light on that both the standard pro-market theory and the anti-market theory in relation to democracy are one-sided. The project of radical liberalism can be further articulated with the introduction of the concept of 'the political'. In conclusion, radical liberalism is expounded as a plausible version of Contemporary Korean social philosophy with a universal connotation.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.11
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• pp.578-592
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• 2019

This study investigated the main effect and interaction effect of independent variables such as news fatigue, political sophistication, knowledge system of news, and news view on reflective news use and partisan news use. This study employed multiple regression analysis and Two way ANOVA. The positive relationship between news fatigue and critical news use strategies was found. Exploring the factors to news processing strategies, the study suggested the potential direction of news education.

• Proceedings of the KGS Conference
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• 2002.11a
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• pp.33-36
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• 2002

국경선은 '분리의 선'인 동시에 '접촉의 선'이며 '장벽'인 동시에 '가장자리'이고 '차단'이면서 '접합'이 동시에 존재하는 공간이다. 초국경적 공간은 이런 관점에서 역설적인 측면을 가진다. 과거부터 쌓여온 경험 풍부한 협력 관계가 비록 이 지역은 정치적 의사결정권이나 경제활동의 중심으로부터 멀리 떨어져 있어 주변부에 해당하지만 이런 '협력적 관성'으로 인해 '혁신의 장소'로 성장하려는 적극적인 의지를 보이는 공간이 되기도 한다.(중략)

• The Journal of Society for e-Business Studies
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.173-187
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• 2012

As newspapers which have been major news media are being replaced by on-line news media in recent years, many researchers are paying attention to "comments(news users' short remarks on an article)", a newly emerged way of forming public opinion. This study is examining how the similarity between political disposition of on-line news visitors and that of news media impacts upon their evaluation on quality of comments from the viewpoint of 'social identity theory.' This study may have academic significance because it inspected the pattern of media usage and the cognition of comments in relation to political disposition for the first time and showed 'comments reading' and the function of comments to form public opinion(comments journalism).

• Survey Research
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.51-78
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• 2004

This paper examines political leaders' image based on the concepts of social identity and distance. These concepts come from the two ideas: (1) Individuals create events to confirm the sentiments that they have about themselves and others in the current situation. (2) During this process structured sets of beliefs (social identity) about attributes of various entities are formed. Statistical analysis of the data from college students in Seoul offers three main findings. First, attributes clustered into four major groups-sociability, responsibility, power and activity. Sociability concerns as sense of approval or disapproval that can elaborated into closeness and intimacy. Responsibility relates to the judgement of morality, public obligation, or other standards. Power refers to social power, physical magnitude and so on. Activity indexes an entity's spontaneity, which can be elaborate into judgements of agency, speed and so on, Second, respondents evaluate negatively political leaders at the dimensions of sociability, responsibility, and activity, They are positively evaluated only at the dimension of power. Third, political leaders who are felt to be closer than others seem to have more political support nowadays.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.93-135
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• 2017

Due to their geographic proximity to Beijing, the Southeast Asian states under the fallout of the China's growing power are struggling to seek the art of diplomacy to promote their national interests. This study explores why Cambodia previously taking a pro-US strategy after the end of the Cold War has switched to a pro-China one in the context of the rise of G-2 system, the ASEAN regionalism, the country's national interest and Hun Sen's regime legitimation. Theoretically, this study takes a realist constructivist approach and tries to find how realist interests and norms have affected the Hun Sen's regime legitimation. The relationship between China and Cambodia has been deepened by mutual economic interdependence and increasingly stronger Chinese power. Especially, the Chinese massive economic aids and investment have enormously supported the regime legitimation of Hun Sen. On the other hand, The US value diplomacy promoting democracy and human rights has undermined the Hun Sen's legitimacy and strained the two nations' relationship. However, the Hun Sen's pro-China strategy is not to check and balance against US strategic interests and not to recognize the Chinese hegemonic position in Southeast Asia. It is a hedging against the US value diplomacy while maximizing economic and other gains from China. ASEAN has been playing a coordinating role to limit the scope of power politics among big powers and to mitigate its ramifications. Yet, since the US and Chinese interests are so keenly criss-crossing, Cambodia may continue to react to the G-2 system through bilateral relations with them.

• The Bulletin of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.76.1-76.1
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• 2013

고대 천문기록을 연구하는 과정에서 기록의 사실 여부와 함께 천문기록에 영향을 미치는 요소를 확인하는 것은 중요하다. 본 연구에서는 고대의 천문기록 중에서 관측 빈도수가 높은 유성과 유성우 기록을 통해 이들의 분포와 역사적 환경 요소와의 관련성을 알아보았다. 유성과 유성우 기록을 분석한 선행연구에 의하면 한국과 중국 일본의 고대 유성과 유성우 기록은 잘 알려진 주기 유성우의 특성을 잘 보여준다. 그러나 인접한 세 나라의 관측 기록은 시대별로 일부 다른 분포를 보이는데 이러한 이유를 알아보기 위해 세 나라의 역사적 환경과 천문기록 분포와의 상관관계를 조사하였다. 본 연구에서는 1200년부터 1700년까지 500년 동안의 왕조-왕위교체, 외부침략, 내란과 같은 역사 사건을 조사하여 중요도에 따라 세 등급으로 나누고 이들을 유성과 유성우 기록 분포와 비교하였다. 연구 결과, 한국과 중국 일본의 고대 유성과 유성우의 기록 분포와 역사적 사건과는 서로 관련성이 없는 것으로 나타났다. 이것은 세 나라의 고대 천문관측 기록이 정치적 사건의 영향을 받지 않았음을 의미한다. 고대 천문기록을 분석할 경우 역사적 사건이나 왕위교체 등의 사회적 영향보다는 시대별 천문기록의 분포개수를 고려한 가중치가 중요하게 고려되어야 할 것이다.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.25_1
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• pp.189-229
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• 2015

동아시아의 19세기는 근대화 물결 안에서 변화의 시대였다. 중국, 한국, 일본은 식민지적 압박가운데 정치적 위기를 대면하였고 선진 문물과 기독교는 사회, 문화, 종교, 사상의 변화를 가져왔다. 신종교운동도 각 나라에서 다양한 형태와 철학으로 등장하였다. 이들의 근본적인 사상은 일반적으로 불교, 유교, 도교, 신교, 샤머니즘과 연관되어 있었다. 근대한국이 정치적 혼란을 겪을 때 여러 신종교들이 1860년을 전후로 나타났다. 나중에 천도교가 된 동학, 증산계, 대종교, 원불교 가운데 증산계 계통의 대순진리회는 사회-종교적인 영향력 차원에서 한국에서 가장 성공적인 신종교 운동이다. 그들은 상제가 스스로 구천에서 혼탁한 삼계를 회복하기 위해 직적 내려왔음을 따르고 있다. 그렇다면, 구천상제에 대한 가르침이 어떻게 이해되고 있을까? 대순진리회의 근본적인 우주관은 무엇일까? 또, 이것이 일본의 유명한 천리교와 중국(대만)의 대규모 일관도와 어떻게 구분될까? 이 논문은 청계탑의 상직적인 콘셉트 안에서 대순의 상제관과 우주관의 관계를 이해하고자 대순의 경전격인 전경, 현무경, 예화들인 심우도, 사신도, 12지신도 등을 탐구할 것이면 이 한국의 대표적인 신종교의 우주관을 천지공사와 후천의 가르침과 연관하여 논리적으로 접근해석 할 것이다.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.502-523
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• 2010

A federal system speaks for a political system that the principle of the common sovereignty among the local governments is applied. The basic purpose of the system is to make institutional devices capable of striving for the mutual cooperation in a greater political unit, reflecting a minority race's right and demand by decentralizing a state authority into the individual region. The basic purpose for formation of a federal system is realized when a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has a autonomous nature by the subject of a federal structure. During from B.Yeltsin to V.Putin, a form for the supplement of political elite personnels into the local governments has changed by a political purpose of a central government, In company with this change, the character of federalism in Russia has been also changed. Accordingly, this study has treated a subject about how the political elite personnels of local assembly men, governors of a state, assemblymen of both Houses, and the president of Russia are suppled, and also how such a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has changed the character of federalism in Russia.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.23-65
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• 2009

This study originates from the examination of both Soviet Russia's and contemporary Russia's tabula rasa that numerous comprehensive national exertions have been trying to overcome, relying on the creation of numerous national emblems, political symbols, and even folkloric materials. With this mind, this work substantiates how the political and cultural symbols have been created in the contemporary socio-political and socio-cultural discourse in Russia. As with the political symbols that most recently been studied by Lee Trepanier, it must be recognized that contemporary social movements and political discourses have failed to "articulate a concrete political vision that reflects a consensus among elites, nor have any gained popular support" as the author confessed already. Concomitant to this general consensus, as Roy Medvedev has put it, we can contend that "today's leaders in Russia have no new ideology, and the mass of the people have no strong new national idea."