• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.3
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• pp.185-190
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• 2019

Historically, the representation of the colonial period has responded closely to the policies and political conditions of the time. The Korean blockbuster , which links the genealogy of Manchuria Western, adopts a safe nationalism frame, upgrading the genre's narrative typology to colorful action and spectacle, including the Japanese army, the Liberation Army, the good and evil, and the confusion of identity. On the other hand, , which deals with the friendship of the poet and the warrior, treats the mental and internal struggles implied by the power of poetry, without resorting to familiar nationalism and heroism. is a thorough genre of rules. If the visual and sensual pleasures of imaginative resilience beyond the bounds of the law are provided within the Rules, inevitably seeks resistance within the colonial empire's legal system. Political, diplomatic, and economic conflicts between Japan and Korea, which have been continuing until recently, reaffirm the framework of nationalism on the screen.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.78
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• pp.177-205
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• 2016

This study set out to investigate the reality of local press and changes to the occupational identity of reporters through the job mobility of reporters at local newspapers. The study examined what reasons the reporters had when they retired from one of three paper newspapers in Daejeon, where they moved to, and how their career mobility was. Some of them remained in the field of journalism including paper newspapers of the same kind and Internet newspapers, and others moved to various areas including politics, administration, academy, economy, and culture and art. The biggest number of them said they left their old paper newspapers because of poor wages and welfare benefits and absence of future visions. Their decision of leaving their old paper newspapers was also influenced by restructuring, restrictions to coverage and reporting, and great workload. Before the IMF foreign currency crisis in 1997, the press labor market was a typical internal labor market with the practitioners joining a newspaper in open recruitment and climbing up the promotion ladder from a common reporter through Deputy Head and Head of a department to Director of a bureau. The emergence of new media and the financial difficulties of newspaper corporations were currently making the internal labor market worse. Reporters made active use of social capital such as regionalism, alumni ties, and news beats rather than changing jobs by increasing their professionalism through self-development, thus causing side effects including the weakened supervision and criticism functions of local newspapers and damaging their occupational identity as reporters.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.44-58
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• 2006

This study of Shintoism is to inquire the relationships between social-political ideology and place of Shinto shrine(神社). In Korea, the Shinto shrine was a place of the center of Japanese colonial policy that symbolized the goal of Japanese Imperialism. This was one of the strategies of "Japan and Korea Are One". Before the China and Japan War in 1937, the number of shrines amounted to 51 sites, 12 of them were closely related to open ports, and the others were located at inland major cities. They also were associated with railroad transportation systems that tied coast and inland major cities. This spatial distribution of shrines was so called "Shrine Network" that was essential in tracing Japanese invasion into Korea. It was an imperial place where Japanese residence and colonial landscape were combined together to show the strength of Japanese Imperialism. Most of shrines were located at a hill with a view on the slope of a mountain and honored Goddess Amaterasu and the Meiji Emperor. I presume from these facts that Shinto Shrine was a supervisionary organization for strategic purpose. The Jeonju Shrine was located on a small hill, Dagasan(65m) where commanded a splendid view of Jeonju city and honored Goddess Amaterasu and the Meiji Emperor. It was a place which was adjacent to Japanese residence and colonial landscape. The Dagasan was changed as a symbolic site for Japanese Imperialism. But, after liberation in 1945, the social-political symbol of the hill was changed. By the strong will of civil, there was a monument to the loyal dead and the national poet, Yi Byeng-gi placed for national identity at the site of the demolished Jeonju Shrine. Dagasan as a place of national identity, shows the symbolic decolonization and the changing ideology. After all, this shows that political ideology is represented in a place with landscape.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.421-435
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• 2006

This study considered the history and range of concern to the citizenship education in the British geography education with respect to the appearance of the citizenship subject in National Curriculum. Although British geography education mainly put on emphasis citizenship education focused on national identity through imperialism ideology up to World War II, it has aimed at the local and global citizenship education which put focus on the reflection of students to individual value and value position, and social justice after the 1980s. Not only an inner change of such geography education but the external factor of appearance of citizenship subject has stimulated more concern about citizenship education. After that, British geography education community constructs the logic of theoretical justification and urges teachers' practical research and continuous concern as plan for geography subject to lead citizenship education all the time. On the other hand, recently British political and social cultural geographers observe spaces of the citizenship which makes difference and identity and the radical and critical citizenship which put focus on the local and the global scale from the national. Therefore, citizenship education through geography subject must put more emphasis on not national identity but the local and global identity for social justice and a better world.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.213-241
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• 2017

The systematic research on the Joseon history under Japanese imperialism in the 1920s, including that of the Joseon History Compilation Committee, was one of the stratagems that Japan employed to perpetuate the colonization of Joseon. The 'renovation of national traits', one of the three cultural measures taken by Japanese imperialism after the 1919 Independence Movement, was an attempt to degrade Joseon's nationality as extraneous, dependent, factional, and uncivilized. Against this, Koreans tried to create their own tradition that could prove Joseon's uniqueness and independence. The purpose of their study on ancient history, which became animated in the 1920s, was not to escape from the reality of Joseon into the idealized past, but to construct the history of Korean people anew. In this context, Dangun could refer to cultural identity as the communal origin of the nation, and this invented identity could lead to the healing of the injured subject. An Hwak's attempt was part of this efforts to call out myth as history. He suggests that Joseon's national traits are superior even to the Western civilization in several ways, and his vast plan to set up Joseon's cultural uniqueness and identity as history of universal civilization bore fruit in the History of Joseon Civilization. With cultural research for figuring out Joseon's national peculiarity and identity and historiography for revealing Joseon's national potential, he makes it possible for people to imagine various agents in the Joseon's past as belonging to a single nation with an identical history. Through his study on Joseon, he fought back the Japanese colonial view of history and tried to exalt national consciousness. Asserting independent and rational individuals as agency of civilization and culture though firm in the national perspective, he eventually went a way quite different from that of Japanese history of culture.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.15
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• pp.111-135
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• 2013

This study explores gender images represented in the works of women artists from the Middle East, where male chauvinism is recognized to be more predominant than elsewhere. The artists included in this study such as Mona Hatoum, Shirin Neshat, Lida Abdul and Sigalit Landau are Post-Feminist generation of artists who were born in the Middle East but spent significant amount of time in the West. In addition, they were trained as artists under the influences of the Western Feminist Art. This particular group of female artists pays much attention to the ontological question of their identities rather than male/female inequality, and each artist represents men and women in the ways that can hardly be found in the works by women artists in the West. These artists not only connect gender identities to the socio-political geography of the Middle East but also deconstruct Western stereotypes of men and women from Arab world. The paper focuses on the way these women artists incorporate male/female vs. culture/nature dichotomies into their works to subvert the premises on which Western Feminism has been based and not only to cast light on women's freedom and their ontological conflicts but also to emphasize social suppression inflicted upon men. In such process, these artists resist stereotypical images of Middle Eastern men and women widely circulated in the mainstream media of the West.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.185-206
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• 2014

The concept of the "diaspora" has established itself as one of the major topics in literary and cultural studies in the first two decades of the twenty-first century. Contemporary studies on this topic tend to regard is diaspora as either as a liberatory space unmoored from a repressive national identity-formation or as a condition pregnant with challenges to the authority of a nation-state or nationalism. Viewed from within the social realities of multi-ethnic nations, however, diaspora has an alternative, darker face. For, reproduced within the concept itself, is that of a hierarchy: this hierarchy is one in which a dominant group seeks to repress the same ethnic members for their failure to conform. What is more, the cultural difference, which diaspora is believed to preserve, lends the dominant group an excuse to re-ethnicize its immigrants, subsuming them under the same extra-national category as that of the people or homeland they have left behind. By analyzing a range of historical and theoretical models, this study offers itself as an attempt to clarify the current, and often confusing, understandings of the condition of diaspora. By delving into its political potentials and discussing their possible socio-political ramifications, the study suggests that researchers of diaspora need to anchor themselves in historicity lest they end up "speaking for" their chosen subjects.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.93-121
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• 2005

This study is about to enhance our understanding of market and market principle, so that marketing research contribute to create more values for customers and firms. For this purpose three following suggestions are proposed. First, marketing research should expand its research scope to include all the market participants in addition to consumers. Second, marketing research should expand into the 'internal market' of the organization. where internal sub-groups are engaging in fierce marketing-like activities. Third, marketing researchers should thoroughly understand the basic market principles and the macro political-economic structure of capitalism. Only on the ethical basis of free market system, it is argued, market, marketing, and marketing research will flourish.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.52
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• pp.135-153
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• 2010

Dong-a Ilbo tried to assume leadership of opinion in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. Dong-a Ilbo was to try to promote the atmosphere of anti-trusteeship=anti-communism=anti-Soviet Union, distorting the decision of a conference of three foreign affairs ministers in Moscow. It was not an incorrect report, but the false report. As a result, the formula of an anti-trusteeship=anti-Soviet Union=anti-communism=patriotism, and a pro-trusteeship=pro-Soviet Union=pro-Communism=traitor was formed. And the important problems of land reform and pro-Japanese‘ clearance were missing. Historically, political newspapers had appeared in the periods of very important political change. Political newspapers played a role as mouthpiece for political party or group. Dong-a Ilbo was such a political newspaper. It was that Dong-a Ilbo tried to change the social atmosphere in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. And history was distorted.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.143-172
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• 2016

This study analyzes the process of growth of Busan from a fishing village to the capital city of South Gyeongsang Province and the central city of transportation and commerce, and an industry with records. The results of the analysis are as follows: after the port opened in 1876, there has been a decline in settlement spaces in Dongnae; on the other hand, there has been an increase in migration spaces around the port of Busan. Waegwan (倭館) nearby Yongdusan Mountain (龍頭山) was changed to the Japanese concession; thus, the number of Japanese moving into Busan had rapidly increased. As a result, the Japanese government carried out reclamation work for securing available lands for the construction of port facilities and other facilities. The Japanese government built public offices and houses, as well as production facilities for daily necessities around the port of Busan. The opening of the Seoul Busan railway (京釜線) and the cross-channel liner between Busan and Shimonoseki (釜關連絡船) led to the growth of Busan and the development of its status. At this time, as the main industry of Busan was trade, Busan had grown as a commercial city. As Busan had grown as a central city of transportation and commerce, the provincial government building of Gyeongsangnam-do (慶尙南道) moved to Busan. Thus, Busan became the central city of local politics and administration. After the Land Survey Project, a large scale of farmers were recruited for low-wage work in the new port. Because of the abolition of the corporation law, Japanese capitalists moved into their colony in Busan. There, large-scale factories, such as the Joseon cotton textile factory, were established. Through this process, the locality of Busan was changed from a fishing village to a commercial city and, finally, to a city of commerce and industry.