• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.61 no.2
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• pp.247-276
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• 2009

The purpose of this essay is to explore the methodological standpoint and the meaning of 'Discourse Analysis' in policy science. I discussed it in three dimensions including: 1) the ontological point of view, 2) the epistemological perspective, and 3) researcher's position in policy research. 1) From the ontological standpoint, I explained the policy as a text, context, discourse, and ideology, that is focused on being constructed by the formative power of language. 2) The ontological standpoint produced "the argumentative turn" in the policy analysis, and many policy analysts emphasize the argumentative process of policy making and evaluation. This argumentation process includes the interpretative and critical viewpoints as well as the normative and ethical characteristics of policies in the discourse analysis. We should reexamine reality critically because discourse is ultimately influenced by the prevailing cultural and social norms. Therefore, an interpretative and critical viewpoint is an epistemological perspective in the discourse analysis. This critical approach creates an awareness of the limitations on our thinking under the particular major discourse, and requires the self-reflection within and beyond the discourse. This process leads to the human emancipation. 3) In order to achieve this emancipation, the last approach suggests that we need to scrutinize "the subject" as a researcher, who is also influenced and subjectified by the major discourse and, thus must deconstruct his or herself. Last but not least, we should emphasize the researcher's role as a listener of the minor voice(discourse) and even the silence of the clients.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.3
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• pp.253-280
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• 2007

This study explores the discoures of family and family policy in the legislative process of Strong Family Act. Critical discourse analysis was used. The results are follows. The Strong Family Act made family issue as a political agenda in spite of much critics. The characteristics of the family discourse in "strong family camp": 1) The emphasis on the moral principle in family 2) denial of deinstitutionalization of family 3) regarding the family problem as a moral and individual problem 4) regarding the state as managing and controling the family. The characteristics of the family discourse in "critical camp": 1) strong family discourse is related to "the family" ideology 2) regarding the family problem as a social, structural problem 3) regarding the state as subsiding, supplementing families. The characteristics of the family policy discourse in "strong family camp": 1) casual efficiency as justifying logics 2) family policy as means to recover family values 3) deunifying the family policy. On the one hand, the characteristics of the family policy discourse in "critical camp": 1) social consensus and academic discussion as justifying logics 2) regarding the family policy as a means of gender equality and strategical point of welfare state expansion. The discourse of family and family policy, especially 'Strong Family Discourse" resulted in conjugation of nationalism and neoliberalism.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.601-623
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• 2014

This paper is to analyze critically policy and discourse of creative economy and creative city. Applying the concept of 'policy transfer' or 'policy mobility', It points out that it may be inevitable for a certain policy or discourse developed in Western society to change its contents and characteristics in its international diffusing process. And then, this paper describes political contexts and process in which the policy and discourse of creative city of a former mayor of Seoul, Oh, Se-Hoon, during the late part of the 2000s, and those of creative economy of the current president, Park, Geun-Hye, have been suggested and pursued, arguing that those policies and discourses, having been distorted and lack of concrete contents, have functioned as a key ruling tool or political rhetoric. In particular, this paper concludes that the policy and discourse of creative economy of the current government would have little positive effect due to excluding intentionally policy of economic democracy and ignoring unintentionally policy of creative city, which seem to have an inherent relationship with that of creative economy.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.29-54
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• 2008

This is to review the reform of the governance for science and technology advanced by the Noh Moo Hyun government. The reform mainly included introducing the vice premiership for science and technology, strengthening the coordinative function of the National Science and Technology Committee over the public R&D budget and programs, and establishing the Office of Science and Technology Innovation under the vice premier for science and technology. The reform aims to improve not only the policy coordinative mechanism but policy discourse mechanism over the enhanced science and technology policy. This paper argues that Noh Moo Hyun Government's reform of the governance for science and technology was not successful. The reason is that the reform targeted mainly to improve the policy coordination among government departments concerning science and technology policy. But it was nearly neglected to make effective the policy discourse mechanism linking the state actors and societal actors.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.799-805
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• 2023

During the pandemic period, when non-face-to-face education became commonplace, the discourse on digital education increased rapidly. And this is reflected in education policy. This is because most policies are influenced by public discourse. Therefore, this study analyzed influential newspaper articles to analyze public discourse on digital education. The results are as follows. First, in 2020, when COVID-19 peaked, the discourse on digital education surged, which originated from the need for efficient management of learning and students in non-face-to-face education situations. Second, the discourse discussed the problem of digital competency mainly about the problem of acquiring new skills and dealt with it most importantly. Third, the discourse of digital education was dominated by discourse from the current perspective. However, it is necessary to consider the perspective of what capabilities are needed for a future society. This is just because acquiring new technologies or cultivating functions cannot be seen as the whole of digital literacy. Therefore, it is necessary to revitalize the discussion on what digital competencies are needed in the future society and reflect them in education policies.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.29-72
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• 2017

This study explores the ways that newspapers report the administrations' policies of 'university reform' from February 2008 to December 2015 through critical discourse analysis. As results, Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo produce the discourse that the crisis of universities is so real and dangerous that it brings about the crisis of our nation, and that the current university systems should be changed into neoliberal systems because it is the critical reason of the crisis. Using various discursive strategies, they construct their reports as objective, real and embodying general goods and then successfully build the neoliberal discourse on university reform as commonsensical and natural. They finally acquire the discursive hegemony for university reform. Kyunghyang-shinmun and Hankyoreh-shinmun produce the anti-discourse against that of Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo. However, they can not develop substantial hegemony struggles for the discourse of university reform because of the limitations of their discourse in terms of quantity and quality and the social and press structures overwhelmingly inclined for neo-liberalism.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.63
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• pp.5-25
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• 2013

Korean society suffers from severe divisions represented by bi-polarization and collapse of the middle class. Intensive demanding on expanding social welfare budget has emerged in accordance with such a dramatic shift. Social consensus moving toward well-financed welfare policy, however, happens to meet political opposition supported by the discourse of fiscal soundness. This paper thus pays particular attention to deciphering the discursive structure in way of understanding how discourses bring public policy into play. For this purpose, news articles about fiscal soundness collected from 8 national newspapers have been analyzed in terms of frame, attitude, perspective and world view. Research results show, first of all, that there exist persistent competition between two frames identified as 'reduced tax with fiscal discipline' and 'increased tax with welfare money.' While the 'reduced tax' frame favors in maintaining tax cut at the expense of welfare budjet, the frame of 'increased tax' supports such arguments as the flexible employment of fiscal soundness and prosperity of national community helped by widening tax revenues. Also did these frames include a number of sub-frames like welfare populism, partisan politics, trickle down effect, tax bonanza for the rich, universal welfare and market over-reactions in order to bolster its logical authority. Media's active taking a part in penetrating supportive frames in line with political stance was found as well. Taking into account both the discursive structure upheld by frames and politics materialized by the media, the authors argue that public policies should be considered more as discourse than fixed reality. Shedding additional light on understanding the interplay among public opinion, policies and media discourse is of another importance for further study.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.265-291
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• 2013

In the context of welfare politics, this study tries to examine how interest groups'policy priorities in the child-care policy of Korea were shaped and changed. Based on the already institutionalized child-care services, each beneficiary group-parents, employer and employee of child care center-has its own preference and perception in child-care policy. Futhermore, this difference has produced conflict of interests in the priority of policy options and brought interest group politics to the realm of child-care policy. With regard to interest group politics, this study firstly examines divergence of beneficiary groups'perception about the child-care policy priorities. Meanwhile, discourse politics should be regarded as another dimension of welfare politics because beneficiaries'perception preference in policy could be sometimes changed and converged by communicative policy discourse. By examining convergent aspects of beneficiary groups'perception about policy priority, this study secondly tries to analyze the discourse politics which has been influenced by the free child-care discourse during 2010-12 election period. To investigate these two dimensions of child-care politics, beneficiary groups'policy priority should be systematically and comprehensively classified and quantified. Using Analysis Hierarchy Process(AHP), this study identifies 11 policy issues and determines different ranking priorities of each beneficiary group.

• Science & Technology Policy
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.48-62
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• 2008

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.68 no.4
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• pp.199-224
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• 2016

This study is a research that investigated organization of case management practice at a mental health center. For organization research of case management practice, this study applied the research method of Institutional Ethnography, and analyzed 'work knowledge' and 'texts' data which were obtained through field work that lasted 3 months with 11 study participants. The analysis is not interpretation of the researcher, but it is work that assembles 'work knowledge' of field workers until they reach discovering institutions that organize case management practice. As a result of this study, case management practice of the mental health center was being standardized as 'a service that is biased towards symptom management without comprehensive and continual resources links' by new public management theory, bio-medicine discussion, 'standardization policy', 'treatment rate improvement policy', 'performance-based budget system', 'performance evaluation system' and 'continual linkage policy', mediating texts. This is a different outcome from usefulness of case management that is claimed to support politically.