• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.47-78
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• 2021

This study was written to examine the acceptance of pansori in movies based on pansori, and to explore changes in modern society's perception and expectations of pansori. A pansori is getting the love of the upper and lower castes in the late Joseon period, but loses the status at the time of the Japanese colonial rule and Korean War. In response, the country designated pansori as an important intangible cultural asset in 1964 to protect the disappearance of pansori. Until the 1980s, however, pansori did not gain popularity by itself. After the 2000s, Pansori tried to breathe in with the contemporary public due to the socio-cultural demand to globalize our culture. And now Pansori is one of the most popular cultures in the world today, as the pop band Feel the Rhythm of KOREA shows. The changing public perception of pansori and its status in modern society can also be seen in the mass media called movies. This study explored the process of this change with six films based on pansori, from "Seopyeonje" directed by Lim Kwon-taek in 1993 to the film "The Singer" in 2020. First, the films "Seopyeonje" and "Hwimori" were produced in the 1990s. Both of these films show the reality of pansori, which has fallen out of public interest due to the crisis of transmission in the early and mid-20th century. And in the midst of that, he captured the scene of a singer struggling fiercely for the artistic completion of Pansori itself. Next, look at the film "Lineage of the Voice" in 2008 and "DURESORI: The Voice of East" in 2012. These two films depict the growth of children who perform art, featuring contemporary children who play pansori and Korean traditional music. Pansori in these films is no longer an old piece of music, nor is it a sublime art that is completed in harsh training. It is only naturally treated as one of the contemporary arts. Finally, "The Sound of a Flower" in 2015 and "The Singer" in 2020. The two films constructed a story from Pansori's history based on the time background of the film during the late Joseon Dynasty, when Pansori was loved the most by the people. This reflects the atmosphere of the times when traditions are used as the subject of cultural content, and shows the changed public perception of pansori and the status of pansori.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.99-130
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• 2011

In recent years, a new way of differentiating product design has emerged -better known as 'masterpiece marketing,' this is a strategy where famous art pieces are borrowed on to product designs. Because the recent trends of well-being and LOHAS have encouraged the consumers' desires to enjoy culture and live a more opulent lifestyle, famous and notable paintings have grown to be more of "approachable masterpieces" to the public. As a strategy intended to develop a new consumerism, while still prioritizing customers' values and their satisfaction, companies have been drawn to this new type of marketing. The current consumption society has converted renowned art pieces from simply works of 'high culture' to a further way of marketing, aimed to differentiate products and dominate the market. Though many products have had masterpieces applied to their designs and have been noticed for their marketability, there has been less systematic research done on the scientific background behind this marketing approach. This research focused on the art pieces' fundamental nature of inducing emotions in the viewer, and hypothesized about how the evaluation of a product may be influenced by the affect provoked by the art piece used. To be more specific, if art pieces with different levels of pleasure and arousal -the two axis of emotion suggested by existing research on emotion -were used on each product, the goal was to see how the different levels influenced the consumer's assessment of the products, focusing on product's type as well as the evaluation of their attributes. First, a pretest was done to verify the relationship between the emotion provoked by the art piece and the consumer's preference. There were two types of surveys, each with five drawings from the ten that were assumed to differ in levels of the two axis of emotion. The survey was composed of questions asking for positive emotion, negative emotion, level of arousal, and preference. The correlation between the measurements of positive and negative emotions was -0.792, so an integrated entry was used in the analysis by subtracting the measurement of negative emotions from that of positive emotions. The first hypothesis that paintings that provoke positive emotions will be more preferred than paintings that bring out negative emotions was supported; and through this research, paintings that were to be used for the products were selected. The second pretest was conducted to settle on an item that would be used in the research. Items meant to measure utilitarian and hedonic attributes of milk and chocolate, the two products to be used in the research, were extracted. Because milk is a utilitarian product with strong practical attributes while chocolate is a hedonic product with strong hedonic attributes, these two were selected to be used in this research. The first study was executed to see if there is a difference in attitude about products that have different painting on their designs, which either induces positive or negative emotions. It was also to verify whether this difference in attitude was mediated by the viewer's preference for the art piece. This study showed that when positive emotion inducing painting was used, the product was better evaluated compared to the product with a painting that provokes a negative emotion, thus supporting the second hypothesis. It was also supported that the effect of affect on product evaluation was mediated by preference for the art piece. The second study was done to see the influence of the level of arousal on the evaluation of the product's attributes. Art pieces that differ in the level of arousal were selected through the pretest, and later it verified the hypothesis that the level of arousal has an effect on the assessment of the attributes of the product. In the case of milk, a utilitarian product, the fourth hypothesis that a high-arousal painting will better evaluated for its hedonic attributes was supported, as well as the fifth, which hypothesized that a low-arousal painting will receive a higher assessment for its utilitarian attributes. However, for chocolate, a hedonic product, both fourth and fifth hypotheses were not supported. This study is significant for the following basis: first, it verified the importance of the emotion induced by the painting on the evaluation of the product's attributes, by applying a systematic and scientific method. Second, it expanded from the existing research on positive/negative emotions to confirm the additional influence of the state of arousal on product evaluation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.1
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• pp.54-79
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• 2024

The purpose of this research is to fill the vacuum created by the tendency of bias towards China among the curators of Korean museums who plan exhibitions focusing on Balhae, and to share with researchers in the countries concerned various supplementary research materials that could deepen their understanding of the history of Balhae. These materials are based on analyses of the details of exhibitions about Balhae held in a particular Russian museum and the characteristics of and changes in the museum's operational policy. Thus, this research focuses mainly on the permanent and special exhibitions held by the Far East History Museum and Reserve, whose collection represents the archaeological achievements of Russia regarding the history of Balhae. The first part of the research focuses on the layout of the exhibitions presented by the museum and the museum's operational policy. It reveals that the museum's permanent exhibitions follow a diachronic arrangement of the local history, while the first and second special exhibitions featured exhibits that were selected from the collections of the Russian Academy of Sciences and arranged according to specific themes. It also examines the museum's policy for operating the exhibitions, focusing on the operational rules, the human resources deployed to run them, and the related educational and PR programs. The second part of the research examines such issues as local politics, economy, education and culture related to the exhibitions on Balhae's history, and connects them to the background and development of the exhibitions. This study reveals that the permanent exhibitions were intended to promote historical awareness of the local area by museum visitors, particularly those who visited the exhibitions while the city was hosting important events such as international summits. It also reveals that the museum's first special exhibition led to the promotion of Korea-Russia cooperation on exchanges in the fields of culture and tourism, whereas the second special exhibition involved no PR efforts or related events, which was probably due to the changes that have occurred in the relationship between Russia and its neighboring countries since then. The final part of the study focuses on the characteristic features of the exhibition narratives, and compares school textbooks on local history and history books for general readers with the contents of the exhibitions. The analysis of the narratives based on the development of time shows that the history of the Mohe (or Malgal) tribes has been combined with that of Balhae, while they are treated separately in school textbooks. As regards political history, the narrative was largely focused on officials in Balhae's central government rather than on Mohe warriors in the border areas. The maps of Balhae presented in the exhibitions highlight the importance of accumulating empirical data. As for the exhibition of material cultures, this study suggests that the museums should obtain more archaeological floral and faunal remains related with agriculture and hunting. It also points out that the narrative on the theme of foreign relations deals with the archaeological relics of Unified Silla together with those of the Turkic tribes. As for the theme of philosophy and culture, the narrative focused on the state ceremonies and rituals of Goguryeo, a theme that has attracted little attention among Korean academic circles and which consequently requires further study. In conclusion, this study is meaningful in that it suggests a number of research topics regarding the development of exhibitions and exhibition narratives about the history of Balhae by a prestigious Russian museum that specializes in this subject.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.287-325
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• 2011

This paper studies the time-space and appreciation of the performance culture of Gwanseo region, which is considered to have formed a characteristic culture in late Joseon period. For this purpose, 4 gasa written in hangeul (Korean alphabet), as well as 4 yeonhaeng gasa, 108 articles of Gwanseoakbu were examined. Plus, among the 9 types of yeonhaengrok (Documents of Performance culture) written in Chinese character, those parts which describe the performance traits have been analyzed. Then, 'main list of terminology' has been deduced based on the categorization according to the following points : 1) subjects of performance and appreciation 2) time and period of performance 3) space of performance 4) contents of performance 5) background and motive for performance and 6) method of performance. Through this process, various 'nouns' and 'predicate verbs' in relation to performance culture emerged, which were systemized according to types of performance elements and categories. Major terminology includes predicate verbs and symbolic verbs such as nokuihongsang,' 'baekdaehongjang,' 'jeolsaekgeumga,' 'cheonga,' 'hwaryu,' 'gamuja,' and 'tongsoja,' as well as the terms already known such as gisaeng, iwon, yangbang, akgong, and jeonak, which refer to musicians and dancers. Subjects of performance were divided into performers and listeners, categorized into concert, music, and dance, according to performance form. In the case for music, it was divided into instrumental or vocal, solo or accompanied (byeongju, self-accompaniment). In the case for vocal music, noteworthy was the inclusion of profesional artist's singing (called gwangdae or uchang). The record of 23 names of popular artists from Gwanseo region, with mention of special talents for each person, reflects the degree of activeness and artistic level of the province. Depending on the appreciating patrons, the audience were indicated as the terms including 'yugaek (party guest),' jwasang,' 'on jwaseok,' and 'sonnim (guests).' It seems that appraisal for a certain performance was very much affected by the tastes, views, and disposition of the appreciating patrons. Therefore it is interesting to observe different comparative reviews of concerts of different regions given by literary figures, offering various criticism on identical performance. In terms of performance space, it has been divided into natural or architectural space, doing justice to special performance sites such as a famous pavilion or an on-the-boat performance. Specific terms related to the scale and brightness of stage, as well as stage props and cast, based on descriptions of performance space were found. The performance space, including famous pavilions; Yeongwangjeong, Bubyeokru, Baeksangru, Wolparu, and Uigeomjeong, which are all well-known tourist sites of Gwanseo province, have been often visited by viceroys. governors, and envoys during a tour or trip. This, and the fact that full-scale performances were regularly held here, and that more than 15 different kinds of boats which were used for boat concert are mentioned, all confirm the general popularity of boat concerts at the time. Performance time, categorized by season or time of day (am/pm/night) and analyzed in terms of time of occurrence and duration, there were no special limitation as to when to have a performance. Most morning concerts were held as part of official duties for the envoys, after their meeting session, whereas evening concerts were more lengthy in duration, with a greater number of people in the audience. In the case of boat concert, samples include day-time concert and performances that began during the day and which lasted till later in the evening. Major terminology related to performance time and season includes descriptions of time of day (morning, evening, night) and mention of sunset, twilight, moonlight, stars, candles, and lamps. Such terms which reflect the flow of time contributed in making a concert more lively. Terminology for the contents of performance was mostly words like 'instrumental,' 'pungak,' or 'pungnyu.' Besides, contextual expressions gave hints as to whether there were dance, singing, ensemble, solo, and duets. Words for dance and singing used in Gwanseo province were almost identical to those used for gasa and jeongjae in the capital, Hanyang. However, many sentences reveal that performances of 'hangjangmu' of hongmunyeon, sword dance, and baettaragi were on a top-quality level. Moreover, chants in hanmun Chinese character and folk songs, which are characteristic for this region, show unique features of local musical performance. It is judged that understanding the purpose and background of a performance is important in grasping the foundation and continuity of local culture. Concerts were usually either related to official protocol for 'greeting,' 'sending-off,' 'reports,' and 'patrols' or for private enjoyment. The rituals for Gwanseo province characteristically features river crossing ceremony on the Daedong river, which has been closely documented by many. What is more, the Gwanseo region featured continued coming and goings of Pyeongan envoys and local officers, as well as ambassadors to and fro China, which required an organized and full-scale performance of music and dance. The method of performance varied from a large-scale, official ones, for which female entertainers and a great banquet in addition to musicians were required, to private gatherings that are more intimate. A performance may take the form of 'taking turns' or 'a competition,' reflecting the dynamic nature of the musical culture at the time. This study, which is deduction of terminology in relation to the time-space and appreciation culture of musical performances of Gwanseo region in late Joseon period, should be expanded in the future into research on 'the performance culture unique to Gwanseo region,' in relation to the financial and administrative aspects of the province, as well as everyday lifestyle. Furthermore, it could proceed to a more intensive research by a comparative study with related literary documents and pictorial data, which could serve as the foundation for understanding the use of space and stage, as well as the performance format characteristic to Korean traditional performing arts.

• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.254-282
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• 1977

To obtain information on the inheritance of the quantitative characters related with the vegetative and reproductive growth of rice, the $F_1$ seeds were obtained in 1974 from the all possible combinations of the diallel crosses among five leading rice varieties : Nongbaek, Tongil, Palgueng, Mangyeong and Gimmaze. The $F_1$'s including reciprocals and parents were grown under the standard cultivation method at Chungnam Provincial Office of Rural Development in 1975. The arrangement of experimental plots was randomized block design with 3 replications and 12 characters were used for the analysis. Analytical procedure for genetic components was followed the Griffing's and Hayman's methods and the results obtained are summarized as follows. 1. In all $F_1$'s of Tongil crosses, the longer duration to heading was due to dominant effect of Tongil and each $F_1$ showed high heterosis in delaying the heading time. It was assumed that non-allelic gene action besides dominant gene effect might be involed in days to heading character. However, in all $F_1$'s from the crosses among parents excluding Tongil the shorter duration was due to dominant gene action and the degree of dominance was partial, since dominance effects were not greater than the additive effect. The non-allelic gene interaction was not significant. Considering the results mentioned above, it was regarded that there were two kinds of Significantly different genetic systems in the days to heading. 2. The rate of heterosis was significantly different depending upon the parents used in the crosses. For instance, the $F_1$'s from Togil cross showed high rate of heterosis in longer culm. Compared to short culm, longer culm was due to recesive gene action and short culm was due to recesive gene action. The dominant gene effect was greater than the additive gene effect in culm length. The narrow sense of heretability was very low and the maternal effects as well as reciprocal effects were significantly recognized. 3. The lenght of the of the uppermost internode of each $F_1$ plant was a little lorger than these of respective parental means or same as those of parents having long internodes, indicating partial dominance in the direction of lengthening the uppermost internodes. The additive gene effects on the uppermost internode was greater than the dominance gene effect. The narrow as well as broad sense of heritabilities for the character of the uppermost internode were very high. There were significant maternal and reciprocal effect in the uppermost internode. 4. The gene action for the flag leaf angle was rather dominance in a way of getting narrower angle. However, in the Palgueng combinations, heterosis of $F_1$ was observed in both narrow and wide angles of the flag leaf. The dominant effects were greater than the additive effects on the flag leaf angle. There were observed also a great deal of non-allelic gene interacticn on the inheritance of the flag leaf angle. 5. Even though the dominant gene action on the length and width of flag leaf was effective in increasing the length or width of the flag leaf, there were found various degrees of hetercsis depending upon the cross combination. Over-dominant gene effect were observed in the inheritance of length of the flag leaf, while additive gene effects was found in the inheritance of the width of the flag leaf. High degree of heretabilities, either narrow or broad sense, were found in both length and width of the flag leaf. No maternal and reciprocal effect were found in both characters. 6. When Tongil was used as one parent in the cross, the length of panicle of $F_1$'s was remarkedly longer than that of parents. In other cross comination, the length of panicle of $F_1$'s was close to the parental mean values. Rather greater dominent gene effect than additive gene effect was observed in the inheritance of panicle length and the dominant gene was effective in increasing the panicle length. 7. The effect of dominant genes was effective in increasing the number of panicles. The degree of heterosis was largely dependent on the cross combination. The effect of dominant gene in the inheritance of panicle number was a little greater than that of additive genes, and the inheritance of panicle number was assumed to be due to complete dominant gene effects. Significantly high maternal and reciprocal effects were found in the character studied. 8. There were minus and plus values of heterosis in the kernel number per panicle depending upon the cross combination. The mean dominant effect was effective in increasing the kernel number per panicle, the degree of dominant effect varied with cross combination. The dominant gene effect and non-allelic gene interaction were found in the inheritance of the kernel number per panicle. 9. Genetic studies were impossible for the maturing ratio, because of environmental effects such as hazards delaying heads. The dominant gene effect was responsible for improving the maturing ratio in all the cross combinations excluding Tongil 10. The heavier 1000 grain weight was due to dominant gene effects. The additive gene effects were greater than the dominant gene effect in the 1000 grain weight, indicating that partial dominance was responsible for increasing the 1000 grain weight. The heritabilites, either narrow or broad sense of, were high for the grain weight and maternal or reciprocal effects were not recognized. 11. When Tongil was used as parent, the straw weight was showing high heterosis in the direction of increasing the weight. But in other crosses, the straw weight of $F_1$'s was lower than those of parental mean values. The direction of dominant gene effect was plus or minus depending upon the cross combinations. The degree of dominance was also depending on the cross combination, and apparently high nonallelic gene interaction was observed.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.31 no.1 s.60
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• pp.112-126
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• 1998

To investigate the effectiveness of the interventions in working environment and personal hygiene for the occupational exposure to the lead, the blood zinc protoporphyrin (ZPP) concentrations of 131 workers (100 exposed subjects and 31 controls) of a newly established battery factory were analyzed. They were measured in every 3 months up to 18 months. Ai. lead concentration (Pb-A) of the workplaces was also checked for 3 times in 6 months interval from August 1987. Environmental intervention included the local exhaust ventilation and vacuum cleaning of the floor. Intervention of the personal hygiene included the daily change of clothes, compulsory shower after work and hand washing before meal, prohibition of cigarette smoking and food consumption at the work site and wearing mask. Mean blood ZPP concentration of the controls was $16.45{\pm}4.83{\mu}g/d\ell$ at the preemployment examination and slightly increased to $17.77{\pm}5.59{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 6 months. Mean blood ZPP concentration of the exposed subjects who were employed before the factory was in operation (Group A) was $17.36{\pm}5.20{\mu}g/d\ell$ on employment and it was increased to $23.00{\pm}13.06{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 3 months. The blood ZPP concentration was increased to $27.25{\pm}6.40{\mu}g/d\ell$ on 6 months (p<0.01) after the employment which was 1 month after the initiation of intervention program. It did not increase thereafter and ranged between $25.48{\mu}g/d\ell$ and $26.61{\mu}g/d\ell$ in the subsequent 4 results. Mean blood ZPP concentration of the exposed subjects who were employed after the factory had been in operation but before the intervention program was initiated (Group B) was $14.34{\pm}6.10{\mu}g/d\ell$ on employment and it was increased to $28.97{\pm}7.14{\mu}g/d\ell$ (p<0.01) in 3 months later(1 month after the intervention). The values of subsequent 4 tests were maintained between $26.96{\mu}g/d\ell$and $27.96{\mu}g/d\ell$. Mean blood ZPP concentration of the exposed subjects who were employed after intervention program had been started (Group C) was$21.34{\pm}5.25{\mu}g/d\ell$ on employment and it was gradually increased to $23.37{\pm}3.86{\mu}g/d\ell$ (p<0.01) after 3 months, $23.93{\pm}3.64{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 6 months, $25.50{\pm}3.01{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 9 months, and $25.50{\pm}3.10{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 12 months. Workplaces were classified into 4 parts according to Pb-A. The Pb-A of part I, the highest areas, were $0.365mg/m^3$, and after the intervention the levels were decreased to $0.216mg/m^3$ and$0.208mg/m^3$ in follow-up test. The Pb-A of part II which was resulted in lowe. value than part I was decreased from $0.232mg/m^3$ to $0.148mg/m^3$, and $0.120mg/m^3$ after the intervention. The Pb-A of part III was tested after the intervention and resulted in $0.124mg/m^3$ in January 1988 and $0.181mg/m^3$ in August 1988. The Pb-A of part IV was also tested after the intervention and resulted in $0.110mg/m^3$ in August 1988. There was no consistent relationship between Pb-A and blood ZPP concentration. The blood ZPP concentration of the group A and B workers in the part of the highest Pb-A were lower than those of the workers in the parts of lower Pb-A. The blood ZPP concentration of the workers in the part of the lowest Pb-A increased more rapidly. The blood ZPP concentration of the group C workers was the highest in part III. These findings suggest that the intervention in personal hygiene is more effective than environmental intervention, and it should be carried out from the first day of employment and to both the exposed subjects, blue color workers and the controls, white color workers.

• Journal of Radiation Protection and Research
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.105-110
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• 2007

Purpose : In spite of recent remarkable improvement of diagnostic imaging modalities such as CT, MRI, and PET and radiation therapy planing systems, ICR plan of uterine cervix cancer, based on recommendation of ICRU38(2D film-based) such as Point A, is still used widely. A 3-dimensional ICR plan based on CT image provides dose-volume histogram(DVH) information of the tumor and normal tissue. In this study, we compared tumor-dose, rectal-dose and bladder-dose through an analysis of DVH between CTV plan and ICRU38 plan based on CT image. Method and Material : We analyzed 11 patients with a cervix cancer who received the ICR of Ir-192 HDR. After 40Gy of external beam radiation therapy, ICR plan was established using PLATO(Nucletron) v.14.2 planing system. CT scan was done to all the patients using CT-simulator(Ultra Z, Philips). We contoured CTV, rectum and bladder on the CT image and established CTV plan which delivers the 100% dose to CTV and ICRU plan which delivers the 100% dose to the point A. Result : The volume$(average{\pm}SD)$ of CTV, rectum and bladder in all of 11 patients is $21.8{\pm}6.6cm^3,\;60.9{\pm}25.0cm^3,\;111.6{\pm}40.1cm^3$ respectively. The volume covered by 100% isodose curve is $126.7{\pm}18.9cm^3$ in ICRU plan and $98.2{\pm}74.5cm^3$ in CTV plan(p=0.0001), respectively. In (On) ICRU planning, $22.0cm^3$ of CTV volume was not covered by 100% isodose curve in one patient whose residual tumor size is greater than 4cm, while more than 100% dose was irradiated unnecessarily to the normal organ of $62.2{\pm}4.8cm^3$ other than the tumor in the remaining 10 patients with a residual tumor less than 4cm in size. Bladder dose recommended by ICRU 38 was $90.1{\pm}21.3%$ and $68.7{\pm}26.6%$ in ICRU plan and in CTV plan respectively(p=0.001) while rectal dose recommended by ICRU 38 was $86.4{\pm}18.3%$ and $76.9{\pm}15.6%$ in ICRU plan and in CTV plan, respectively(p=0.08). Bladder and rectum maximum dose was $137.2{\pm}50.1%,\;101.1{\pm}41.8%$ in ICRU plan and $107.6{\pm}47.9%,\;86.9{\pm}30.8%$ in CTV plan, respectively. Therefore, the radiation dose to normal organ was lower in CTV plan than in ICRU plan. But the normal tissue dose was remarkably higher than a recommended dose in CTV plan in one patient whose residual tumor size was greater than 4cm. The volume of rectum receiving more than 80% isodose (V80rec) was $1.8{\pm}2.4cm^3$ in ICRU plan and $0.7{\pm}1.0cm^3$ in CTV plan(p=0.02). The volume of bladder receiving more than 80% isodose(V80bla) was $12.2{\pm}8.9cm^3$ in ICRU plan and $3.5{\pm}4.1cm^3$ in CTV plan(p=0.005). According to these parameters, CTV plan could also save more normal tissue compared to ICRU38 plan. Conclusion : An unnecessary excessive radiation dose is irradiated to normal tissues within 100% isodose area in the traditional ICRU plan in case of a small size of cervix cancer, but if we use CTV plan based on CT image, the normal tissue dose could be reduced remarkably without a compromise of tumor dose. However, in a large tumor case, we need more research on an effective 3D-planing to reduce the normal tissue dose.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.27-48
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• 2005

This study investigates the current preservation and management of four records and documentary heritage in Korea that is in the UNESCO's Memory of the World Register. The study analyzes their problems and corresponding solutions in digitizing those world records heritages. This study also reviews additional four documentary books in Korea that are in the wish list to add to UNESCO's Memory of the World Register. This study is organized as the following: Chapter 2 examines the value and meanings of world records and documentary heritage in Korea. The registry requirements and procedures of UNESCO's Memory of the World Register are examined. The currently registered records of Korea include Hunmin-Chongum, the Annals of the Choson Dynasty, the Diaries of the Royal Secretariat (Seungjeongwon Ilgi), and Buljo- Jikji-Simche-Yojeol (vol. II). These records heritage's worth and significance are carefully analyzed. For example, Hunmin-Chongum("訓民正音") is consisted of unique and systematic letters. Letters were delicately explained with examples in its original manual at the time of letter's creation, which is an unparalleled case in the world documentary history. The Annals of the Choson Dynasty("朝鮮王朝實錄") are the most comprehensive historic documents that contain the longest period of time in history. Their truthfulness and reliability in describing history give credits to the annals. The Royal Secretariat Diary (called Seungjeongwon-Ilgi("承政院日記")) is the most voluminous primary resources in history, superior to the Annals of Choson Dynasty and Twenty Five Histories in China. Jikji("直指") is the oldest existing book published by movable metal print sets in the world. It evidences the beginning of metal printing in the world printing history and is worthy of being as world heritage. The review of the four registered records confirms that they are valuable world documentary heritage that transfers culture of mankind to next generations and should be preserved carefully and safely without deterioration or loss. Chapter 3 investigates the current status of preservation and management of three repositories that store the four registered records in Korea. The repositories include Kyujanggak Archives in Seoul National University, Pusan Records and Information Center of National Records and Archives Service, and Gansong Art Museum. The quality of their preservation and management are excellent in all of three institutions by the following aspects: 1) detailed security measures are close to perfection 2) archiving practices are very careful by using a special stack room in steady temperature and humidity and depositing it in stack or archival box made of paulownia tree and 3) fire prevention, lighting, and fumigation are thoroughly prepared. Chapter 4 summarizes the status quo of digitization projects of records heritage in Korea. The most important issue related to digitization and database construction on Korean records heritage is likely to set up the standardization of digitization processes and facilities. It is urgently necessary to develop comprehensive standard systems for digitization. Two institutions are closely interested in these tasks: 1) the National Records and Archives Service experienced in developing government records management systems; and 2) the Cultural Heritage Administration interested in digitization of Korean old documents. In collaboration of these two institutions, a new standard system will be designed for digitizing records heritage on Korean Studies. Chapter 5 deals with additional Korean records heritage in the wish list for UNESCO's Memory of the World Register, including: 1) Wooden Printing Blocks(經板) of Koryo-Taejangkyong(高麗大藏經) in Haein Temple(海印寺); 2) Dongui-Bogam("東醫寶鑑") 3) Samguk-Yusa("三國遺事") and 4) Mugujeonggwangdaedaranigyeong. Their world value and importance are examined as followings. Wooden Printing Blocks of Koryo-Taejangkyong in Haein Temple is the worldly oldest wooden printing block of cannon of Buddhism that still exist and was created over 750 years ago. It needs a special conservation treatment to disinfect germs residing in surface and inside of wooden plates. Otherwise, it may be damaged seriously. For its effective conservation and preservation, we hope that UNESCO and Government will schedule special care and budget and join the list of Memory of the Word Register. Dongui-Bogam is the most comprehensive and well-written medical book in the Korean history, summarizing all medical books in Korea and China from the Ancient Times through the early 17th century and concentrating on Korean herb medicine and prescriptions. It is proved as the best clinical guidebook in the 17th century for doctors and practitioners to easily use. The book was also published in China and Japan in the 18th century and greatly influenced the development of practical clinic and medical research in Asia at that time. This is why Dongui Bogam is in the wish list to register to the Memory of the World. Samguk-Yusa is evaluated as one of the most comprehensive history books and treasure sources in Korea, which illustrates foundations of Korean people and covers histories and cultures of ancient Korean peninsula and nearby countries. The book contains the oldest fixed form verse, called Hyang-Ka(鄕歌), and became the origin of Korean literature. In particular, the section of Gi-ee(紀異篇) describes the historical processes of dynasty transition from the first dynasty Gochosun(古朝鮮) to Goguryeo(高句麗) and illustrates the identity of Korean people from its historical origin. This book is worthy of adding to the Memory of the World Register. Mugujeonggwangdaedaranigyeong is the oldest book printed by wooden type plates, and it is estimated to print in between 706 and 751. It contains several reasons and evidence to be worthy of adding to the list of the Memory of the World. It is the greatest documentary heritage that represents the first wooden printing book that still exists in the world as well as illustrates the history of wooden printing in Korea.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.38 no.6
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• pp.709-720
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• 2009

This study was conducted to identify daily caffeine intakes in beverages for elementary school children and to evaluate its effectiveness after nutrition education. The caffeine contents of 140 commercial beverages were analysed by high performance liquid chromatography-ultraviolet detector (HPLC-UV) and information about their consumption were obtained by surveying 267 children. Researchers gave nutrition education to the children, who were 6 to 11 years old and attended 9 classes of 3 elementary schools, by lecture, Powerpoint file and moving picture. Their preference and intake amount on beverages were investigated by questionnaire before and after nutrition education. The order on caffeine contents was coffee ($33.8{\pm}2.4{\sim}49.1{\pm}5.6\;mg/100\;mL$)> coffee milk ($10.6{\pm}3.3\;mg/100\;mL$)> cola ($6.0{\pm}2.4\;mg/100\;mL$)> green black oolong tea drink ($6.0{\pm}2.4\;mg/100\;mL$)> chocolate milk and chocolate drink ($1.6{\pm}0.7{\sim}1.7\;mg/100\;mL$)> black ice tea mix ($1.3{\pm}1.7\;mg/100\;mL$). The order on children's preference was carbonated drink and fruit and vegetable drink (27%)> sports drink (26%)> processed cocoa mix (7%)> milk (6%)> vitamin & functional drink (3%)> green tea drink (2%)> black tea drink and coffee (1%). The average daily caffeine intakes except tea drink was $5.9{\pm}11.2$ mg/person/day ($0.17{\pm}0.32$ mg/kg bw/day), ranged from $0.0{\sim}80.5$ mg/person/day for children. The sources of caffeine were coffee 57% (3.4 mg/person/day), coffee milk 20% (1.2 mg/person/day), carbonated drink 15% (0.9 mg/person/day), chocolate milk and chocolate drink 6% (0.4 mg/person/day), and vitamin & functional drink 2% (0.1 mg/person/day). After nutrition education, the preference of carbonated drink, coffee, vitamin drinks & functional drink was decreased significantly (p<0.05, p<0.05, p<0.01) and the intakes of carbonated drink, chocolate milk & chocolate drink, and vitamin & functional drink were also decreased significantly (p<0.01, p<0.05, p<0.01). This study has shown that nutrition education influences the preference and the intake behavior of caffeinated beverages.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.73-107
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• 2012

Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.