• The Bulletin of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.69.2-69.2
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• 2015

세종시대의 장영실(蔣英實)은 두 가지의 자동 물시계를 제작했다. 이미 잘 알려진 보루각루(報漏閣漏, '자격루'로 불림)는 1434년에 완성되어 국가 표준시계로서의 역할을 수행했고, 이어서 만들어진 흠경각루(欽敬閣漏, 1438년 제작)는 세종을 위한 특별한 시계였다. 이 연구는 흠경각(欽敬閣)에 설치한 물시계에 대한 것이다. 당시 흠경각은 세종의 정치적 구상을 위한 장소로 사용됐다. 이는 흠경각루를 이루고 있는 외형 부분인 가산(假山)에 빈풍사시(豳風四時)의 풍경을 그린 점과 의기(倚器)를 설치한 정황에서 알 수 있다. 빈풍사시의 그림은 당시에 유행하던 그림 화법으로 계절에 따른 농사일이 그려져 있어 농사짓는 백성들의 어려움을 살필 수 있었다. 또한 물시계와 함께 작동되는 의기(倚器)는 누수(漏水)에 의해서 그릇에 물이 담겨져 균형을 이루거나 기울어지는 것을 권력의 모습으로 비유하여 보여주었다. 우리는 흠경각루의 문헌내용을 분석하여 먼저 외형모습, 내부의 구성요소에 대한 것을 연구했다. 이러한 연구 성과를 확장하여 내부의 작동메커니즘의 기초설계를 실시했다. 흠경각루의 시간을 유지하는 중요한 요소는 물시계, 수차, 천형시스템의 유기적인 운영이다. 물시계의 유량실험을 통해 수압과 유량의 관계를 분석하고, 수차의 회전과 제어를 담당하는 천형시스템의 모델을 제시했다. 또한 연구과정에서 얻어진 자료의 일부를 전통천문학 교육에 활용하기 위한 웹페이지(history.kasi.re.kr)를 한국천문연구원 서버를 통해 구축중에 있다.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.14
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• pp.121-148
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• 1987

종래에는 중국이나 일본에 관한 연구에 종속되어 부가적인 것으로 취급되어 오던 한국학이 한국의 선진 공업국화와 경제적인 국제 지위의 향상에 힘입 어 한국 연구가 세계적으로 활발히 진행되고 있다. 이제 본고를 통해 서방국 가 중에서는 한국 연구에 가장 앞서 있다고 할 수 있는 미국에서의 한국학 의 발달 과정을 살펴보고 한국학에 종사하는 학자.전문인들의 단체에는 어떤 것이 존재하며, 또한 이들 전문인들의 공식적 커뮤니케이션 경로로서의 1차 학술잡지, 단행본, 총서, 박사학위 논문 등의 현황을 구체적으로 고찰하였다. 또한 한국학을 연구하는 학자.전문인들의 연구의 결실이라고 할수 있는 1차 자료들이 정보의 재생산과 효과적인 정보 활용을 위해 서지적인 통정이 조 직적으로 이루어지고 있는가를 고찰하기 위하여 현존하는 연구안내서, 서지, 그리고 한국관계 자료를 소장하고 있는 미국의 저명한 도서관과 그 도서관 에서 발행하고 있거나 이미 발행한 장소목록 등을 구체적으로 상술하였다. 본 연구를 통해 첫째, 미국에서의 한국학은 한국의 정치, 경제, 사회, 역사등 사회과학 분야에서는 강세를 보이고 있으나, 회화, 조각, 무용, 민속 그리고 종교와 같은 인문과학 분야에서의 한국학은 매우 미미한 것임을 알수 있었 다. 둘째로, 미국의 한국학 관계자료의 서지적 통정면에서는 현행서지와 초 록 서비스는 거의 부재의 상태임이 드러났다. 따라서 한국학 관계자료의 신 속한 접근을 위한 현행서지나 색인서비스가 이루어져야 한다는 것이 밝혀졌 다고 하겠다.

• Korean Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences
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• v.23 no.5
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• pp.385-393
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• 1990

Age and growth in length of anchovy juveniles were analysed from the samples collected from the coastal waters of Chonnam, Korea, in 1988 and 1989. Ages in days were determined by counting growth increments in otolith from 248 individuals. Growth in length versus age in days was well represented by Gompertz curve: $$L =5.76{\times}E xp(1.66 \times(1- E xp(-0.44\;t)))$$, or $$L=3.7{\times}E xp(1.99\times(1-E xp(-0.0614\;t)))$$. The mean growth rate was 0.38 mm/day from 20 days to 40 days. Growth rate was maximum at 10 days, and then decreased gradually. The growth of anchovy juvenile were nearly constant inspite of the sampling dates or stations.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.3
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• pp.26-38
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• 2011

The purpose of this study was to analyze the commemoration culture of Vietnam War Memorials (VWM) in Vietnam. Through site survey, the researcher selected 23 VWM in Vietnam and analyzed 5 categories: memorial type, design concept and narratives, location and spatial form, landscape elements, and content expressed in landscape details. The results are as follows: 1. Because of the long, drawn out Vietnam War, which lasted from 1955 to 1975, VWM were divided into 10 types mainly as soldier cemeteries based on a traditional memorial style, battlefields and places of tragedies considering sense of place, war museums representing victory and atrocity in war, and peace parks promoting reconciliation and peacemaking. 2. The analysis revealed that the main concepts and narratives of VWM were to value the victims of the Vietnam War, remember soldiers' contributions, highlight the victory in war and resistance to the United States, and express a sense of place. Peacemaking applied only to My Lai Peace Park and Han-Viet Hoa Binh Cong Vien, built by international cooperation. 3. Cemeteries and appreciation memorials were designed to follow a traditional memorial space form that highly regard both axis and symmetry. The design concept at battlefields and places where tragedies occurred depended mainly upon a sense of place and used symbolic landscape elements to compensate for the undefined concept. 4. Sculptures and towers were mainly used to highlight war victory and resistance as the representative style of a Socialist country, weapons and pictures exhibited in war museums and battlefield showed the reality and strain of war. Symbolic elements of Buddhism and Confucianism were often introduced as a way to venerate the memory of deceased persons. 5. The state and heroic actions in the Vietnam War were realistically depicted on sculptures and walls. Also, the symbolic phrase, 'TO-QUOC-GUI-CONG' meaning 'our country remember your achievement', were written on the memorial tower and 'Quagmiire' was used to metaphorically represent the difficulties faced by the U.S. military on battlefields during the war and the uncertainly that pervaded U.S. society in those days. 6. In VWM, ideologies like nationalism, patriotism, socialism, capitalism were mixed and traditional cultures like Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism were inherent. Differing from their Confucianism culture, war heroes, particularly including women, were often described by sculpture, monument, and pictures and the conflict in and outside the country regarding the Vietnam War was shown. Further study will be required to analyze design characteristics of VWM in the u.s. and to understand the difference in commemoration cultures between Vietnam and the U.S.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.33-52
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• 2022

The History and Culture Park and the Lee Kun-hee Donation Hall will be built in Songhyeon-dong, Seoul. Political games from the Joseon Dynasty to the present greatly influenced the historicity of Songhyeon-dong. However, place analysis was limited to changes in landowners and land uses rather than a historical context. Therefore, this study analyzed the context in which the placeness of Songhyeon-dong changed according to the emergence of cultural hegemony using the perspective of modern cultural geography and comparative history. As a result of the analysis, cultural hegemony in historical transitions, such as Sinocentrism, maritime expansion, civil revolutions, imperialism, nationalism, popular art, and neoliberalism, was found to have created new intellectuals in Bukchon, including Songhyeon-dong, and influenced social systems and spatial policies. In this social relations, the placeness of Songhyeon-dong changed as follows. First, the founding forces of Joseon created pine forests as Bibo Forests to invocate the permanence of the dynasty. In the late Joseon dynasty, it was an era of maritime expansion, and as Joseon's yeonhaeng increased, a garden for the Gyeonghwasejok, who enjoyed the culture of the Qing dynasty, was built. Although pine forests and gardens disappeared due to the development of housing complexes as the population soared during the Japanese colonial era, Cha Gyeong's landscape aesthetics, which harmonized artificial gardens and external nature, are worth reinterpreting in modern times. Second, the wave of modernization created a new school in Bukchon and a boarding house in Songhyeon-dong owned by a pro-Japanese faction. Angukdongcheon-gil, next to Songhyeon-dong, was where thinkers who promoted civil revolution and national self-determination exchanged ideas. Songhyeon-dong, the largest boarding house, served as a residence for students to participate in the March 1st Movement and was the cradle of the resulting culture of student movements. The appearance of the old road is preserved, so it is a significant part of the regeneration of walking in the historic city center, connecting Gwanghwamun-Bukchon-Insadong -Donhwamunro. Third, from the cultural rule of the Government General of Joseon to the Military Government, Songhyeon-dong acted as a passage to western culture with the Joseon Siksan Bank's cultural housing and staff accommodations at the U.S. Embassy. Ancient and contemporary art coexisted in the surrounding area, so the modern and contemporary art market was formed. The Lee Kun-hee Donation Hall is expected to form a cultural belt for citizens with the gallery, Bukchon Hanok Village, the Craft Museum, and the Modern Museum of Art. Discourses and challenges are needed to recreate the place in harmony with the forests, gardens, the street of citizens' birth, history and culture park, the art museum, and the surrounding walking network.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.40-52
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• 2016

Buyongjeong, a pavilion in the Rear Garden of Changdeok Palace, was appointed as Treasure No. 1763 on March 2, 2012, by the South Korea government since it shows significant symmetry and proportion on its unique planar shape, spatial configuration, building decoration, and so forth. However, the designation of Treasure selection was mainly evaluated by concrete science, in that the selection has not clearly articulated how and why Buoungjeong was constructed as a present unique form. Therefore, this study aims to clarify the identity of Buyongjeong at the time of construction by considering its historical, ideological, philosophical background and building intention. Summary are as follows: First, Construction backgrounds and characters of Buyongjeong: Right after the enthronement, King Jeongjo had founded Kyujanggak(奎章閣), and sponsored civil ministers who were elected by the national examination, as a part of political reform. In addition, he established his own political system by respecting "Kaksin(閣臣)", Kyujanggak's officials as much as "Kain(家人)", internal family members. King Jeongjo's aggressive political reform finally enabled King's lieges to visit King's Rear Garden. In the reign of King Jeongjo's 16th year(1792), Naekaksangjohoe(內閣賞釣會) based on "Kaksin" was officially launched and the Rear Garden visitation became a regular meeting. The Rear Garden visitation consisted of "Sanghwajoeoyeon(賞花釣魚宴)" - enjoying flowers and fishing, and activities of "Nanjeongsugye". Afterward, it eventually became a huge national event since high rank government officials participated the event. King Jeongjo shared the cultural activities with government officials together to Buyongjeong as a place to fulfill his royal politics. Second, The geographical location and spatial characteristics of Buyongjeong: On the enthronement of King Jeongjo(1776), he renovated Taeksujae. Above all, aligning and linking Gaeyuwa - Taeksujae - a cicular island - Eosumun - Kyujangkak along with the construction axis is an evidence for King Jeongjo to determine how the current Kyujangkak zone was prepared and designed to fulfill King Jeonjo's political ideals. In 17th year(1793) of the reign of King Jeongjo, Taeksujae, originally a square shaped pavilion, was modified and expanded with ranks to provide a place to get along with the King and officials. The northern part of Buyongjeong, placed on pond, was designed for the King's place and constructed one rank higher than others. Discernment on windows and doors were made with "Ajasal" - a special pattern for the King. The western and eastern parts were for government officials. The center part was prepared for a place where government officials were granted an audience with the King, who was located in the nortern part of Buyongjeong. Government officials from the western and eastern parts of Buyongjeong, could enter the central part of the Buyongjeong from the southern part by detouring the corner of Buyongjeong. After all, Buyongjeong is a specially designed garden building, which was constructed to be a royal palace utilizing its minimal space. Third, Cultural Values of Buyongjeong: The Buyongjeong area exhibits a trait that it had been continuously developed and it had reflected complex King's private garden cultures from King Sejo, Injo, Hyunjong, Sukjong, Jeongjo and so forth. In particular, King Jeongjo had succeded physical, social and imaginary environments established by former kings and invited their government officials for his royal politics. As a central place for his royal politics, King Jeongjo completed Buyongjeong. Therefore, the value of Buyongjeong, as a garden building reflecting permanency of the Joseon Dynasty, can be highly evaluated. In addition, as it reflects Confucianism in the pavilion - represented by distinguishing hierarchical ranks, it is a unique example to exhibit its distinctiveness in a royal garden.

• Women's Studies Review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.73-109
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• 2010

The cultural pluralism on which more and more emphasis is put in the globalized cultural environment, takes local identity as a crucial index for the cultural exchange on the global level, but at the same time it results in transforming individual regions/places into a homogeneous space, as it forces the local identity itself to fit into the standardized global perspective. In this context I focus on two art projects that are related to 'Dongducheon', a town that houses the U. S. Second Infantry Division. These projects attract specific attention due to the fact that Dongducheon is a significant place with very 'thick' cultural identity: it reveals that modernization in Korea took place in intersection of nationalism, patriarchy and gender/sexuality postcolonial (military) culture. With these two Dongducheon related art projects (Donglyung Kim) and (Eunyoung Jeong) as excellent examples of site-specific art practice, this paper asks what it means to keep the historicity of disappearing local space/place in the global era. And how is it possible to 'represent' an extremely gendered/sexualized place like Dongducheon. This should be examined from a postcolonial feminist perspective. Since emancipation from Japanese occupation Dongducheon has been an island or an outside space in the nation-state Korea. This becomes more complicated, as now mostly women from the Philippines or former Soviet countries are working in the nightclubs in Doungducheon. and are feminist activist experiments to make the place with its residents to be seen and heard in proper a way of mourning, recognition and communication. shows the 'new' kijich'on women as those who are daring to be on an 'Odyssey' for a better life as they run everyday life in Dongducheon, working in clubs, doing laundry, bearing children, going to mass; tries to help them to be heard and felt, while it gathers sounds on the street or at mass and shows the doors or narrow alleys which lead to the their rooms. It aims to mourn the dead kijich'on women and to represent the precarious life of the present migrant kijich'on women, as it shows no faces.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.478-493
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• 2009

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the educational implications of global citizenship and regional identity in geographic education of multicultural society. Geographical education inquires into places and region on local, regional, national and global scales. Geography studies geographical representation of ethnical, cultural, political diversities of human societies. Therefore geography is a very proper subject for multicultural education. Geography has also inherent legitimacy on multicultural education in the viewpoints that space or region has valued inherent nature which is constructed by human experience, perception and response etc. Citizenship in multicultural education requests some abilities and attitudes of world citizens superior to state or nation oriented citizenship. However the education of world citizenship doesn't mean abandonment of regional identity in geographical education. Citizenship is based on geographical units which have their territories. Regional identity is the feeling of belonging as a member of a certain region, and is formed not only by race, ethnic, gender, political and social position but also by thought of nature, landscape, national identity, regional dialect, and historical context, etc. The regional identity in multicultural society means the homogeneity which includes the heterogeneity of diverse groups, and has a key which solves the conflicts of diverse groups in the region. Consequently multicultural education in geography would focus on the cultivation of regional identities which are founded on critical thinking to solve the conflicts of multicultural society. The geographic education in multicultural society would rather emphasize on region than on race or nation, and can integrate the global vision of world citizenship with the diverse viewpoint of multicultural education.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.407-427
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• 2004

The rapid innovation of information and communication technology and its sharp falling prices have brought about the expansion of the Internet, integrating the world as one space under converged space and time. This rapid expansion of the Internet and its application in the economy have spurred the emergence of the digital economy. The Internet has influenced strongly on the changes of not only economic activities but also political, social and cultural activities. In this context, a rapidly increasing Internet expansion renders the rhetoric about the death of distance and about the meaningless of geographical place. However, the development and expansion of Internet induces a growing digital divide among nations and also a spatial inequality in a nation as the supply of the Internet has concentrated towards demand-affluent large cities. A large gap of digital access has been occurred between high income and low income countries according to a measurement of the international digital access index. In a national level, the Internet backbone has been built around large cities which favor a large amount of the Internet demand, and the affordable accessibility of these cities for the Internet services has influenced strongly on the agglomeration of Internet related industries, further inducing the construction and investment of the Internet backbone into large cities as cumulative causation effects. As a result, the expansion of the Internet affects immensely on the changes of spatial structure in a nation resulting in the new spatial phenomena such as centralization, concentration and splintering in the digitalized space-economy.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.37-59
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• 2012

Korean studies are in crisis because they have fallen prey to the territorial trap associated with methodological territorialism and methodological nationalism. In order to overcome this situation, this paper suggests the studies on Korea to be more active in accepting the socio-spatial perspective that emphasize the inseparability of society and space. In particular, paying special attention to the 4 important dimensions of socio-spatial relations, such as place, territory, network and scale, it examines the ways in which these 4 dimensions are overlapped, interconnected and dynamically interacting with one another from the perspective of "multi-scalar networked territoriality". In conclusion, I argue that the Korean studies need to understand the variegated and multi-scalar nature of Korea, a place, which is constituted through complex interactions among diverse political, social, economic and cultural forces and processes that operate in various places and at diverse geographical scales.those days, such as agriculture, crops, and transportation of goods. Fifth, the bibliography and citations explaining all instances reveal that China (Qing) is a great civilization of the advanced world and that the scholarship of Joseon relied on and accepted it. Sixth, except for horse raising and management, farming implements for rice transplantation, sericulture, and natural dying of cloth, most of the topics are useful even today. In short, theres is a profound aspect to the content that makes it possible to estimate the "geographical thinking". In general, the focus of the content of this book directly linked to the practical agricultural economy of the common people.