• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.167-191
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• 2014

Pour Kierkegaard la condition de l'homme naturel est tragique. $D^{\prime}{\hat{e}}tre$ $s^{\prime}{\acute{e}}veiller$, ${\hat{e}}tre$ ignorant et $d{\acute{e}}nier$ sur son vrai ${\hat{e}}tre$, tous causent le $d{\acute{e}}sespoir$. En plus l'homme ne peut avoir une conviction sur son bonheur $jusqu^{\prime}{\grave{a}}$ la mort. Donc sa $th{\acute{e}}orie$ du bonheur ne se base pas sur le bonheur. Tous le monde vit dans une situation $o{\grave{u}}$ il y a une distance entre $l^{\prime}{\hat{e}}tre$ $pr{\acute{e}}sent$ et son vrai ${\hat{e}}tre$. La vie ${\grave{a}}$ la perspective ${\acute{e}}thique$ s'apparaît comme se diriger vers son vrai ${\hat{e}}tre$ et ceci signifie $d^{\prime}{\acute{e}}tablir$ son ${\hat{e}}tre$ $int{\acute{e}}rieur$ en s'echappant la vie $esth{\acute{e}}tique$ qui est la vie sensitive et directe, et aussi faire s'identifier son ${\hat{e}}tre$ $ext{\acute{e}}rieur$ ${\grave{a}}$ son ${\hat{e}}tre$ $int{\acute{e}}rieur$. Le $p{\acute{e}}ch{\acute{e}}$ signifie la $s{\acute{e}}paration$ de son vrai ${\hat{e}}tre$, cela est la source de tout mal. L'obtention parfait de $l^{\prime}{\hat{e}}tre-soi$ exisge ${\hat{e}}tre$ en $pr{\acute{e}}sence$ devant l'Asolu(Dieu) en tant qu'individu unique, et s'accorder avec l'Absolu. Mais du fiat $m{\hat{e}}me$ que ceci est impossible pour tous, tout le monde ne peut vivre qu'ayant un peu de $p{\acute{e}}ch{\acute{e}}$. Donc l'aspect de la vie ${\acute{e}}thique$ s'apparaît une vie dynamique qui $d{\acute{e}}passe$ $soi-m{\hat{e}}me$ sans cesse. En contradiction qu'avec l'analyse sur $l^{\prime}{\hat{e}}tre$ $pr{\acute{e}}sent$ qui est si tragique, la vertu de cette vie ${\acute{e}}thique$ est si optimiste. Elle est l'amour. Cet amour est $tr{\acute{e}}s$ excellent qui $d{\acute{e}}passe$ toute la vertu ${\acute{e}}thique$. En $v{\acute{e}}rit{\acute{e}}$ pour Kierkegaard, bien que le salut $lui-m{\hat{e}}me$ sera donner par la foi, le principe de cet amour est l'unique vertu qui ammene l'homme vers la foi et vers le salut. C'est pourquoi son ${\acute{e}}thique$ est essentiellement s'apparaît 'une ${\acute{e}}thique$ de l'amour', et la recherche sur cet amour, son principe et son aspect reste comme uneque $t{\hat{a}}che$ de $l^{\prime}{\acute{e}}thique$.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.221-251
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• 2018

Two-tier wage systems mean the dual wage systems that the new wage system require the new future employees to get much lower wage level, compared to the level of wages for existing employees under the existing wage system. While it allows employers to benefit from low-cost advantages, the two-tier wage systems is definitely a type of wage discrimination by the collusion between management and trade unions in that it forces the new future employee to accept the low wages. Also it reflects extreme collectivism which old union members try to keep having their jobs and wages at the sacrifice of future members' wages. The two-tier wage systems had been introduced by airplane industry in 1980s and introduced again in Big Three auto companies in 2007. The purpose of this paper is to examine the history, contents, and details of two-tier wage system in the United States and to think of the possibility of recurrence of the systems in the context of Korean auto industry in the near future. The tentative findings from this paper implies that the two-tier wage systems will likely happen in Korean auto industry because the collusion between trade unions and management are found easily and the degree of extreme collectivism favored by the old permanent union members is seriously high. It is time for trade unions to go back to their original ideals and purposes and to revitalize solidarity among workers.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.122-147
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• 2012

The Four-guardian statues in Song-gwang buddhist temple, Suncheon, Korea, have been remade in AD 1628 and have been repaired and repainted over several times since then. Therefore, the study of the pigments applied on the statues can provide good chance for investigation about pigments used in the late Chosun Period. Pigments on fragments from Gwang-mok(Virupaksha), one of the Four-guardian statues, have been analyzed by optical microscope, SEM-EDX and XRD in order to identify the components and compounds. Six types of materials were found from the fragments, which are soil layer with brown clay band, soil layer containing a lot of fibers, Korean paper with loose texture, Korean paper with dense texture, silk, and hemp textile. Presumably, the soil layer which have brown clay band is basis layer and the other layers are repaired layers. From comparative study for the components of the pigments, applied on upper and lower parts of the repaired layers, we have concluded that those repaired layers had been applied on the statue by the following order; basis layer ${\rightarrow}$ Korean paper with loose texture ${\rightarrow}$ soil containing a lot of fibers ${\rightarrow}$ silk ${\rightarrow}$ hemp textile and Korean paper with dense texture. In addition, the years that those materials were applied on the statue have been estimated as 1720~1891, 1926, 1946 and 1976, respectively. The distinct features of each age are as the following; lead white and copper chloride hydroxide are major white and green pigments before 1891, zinc white, barium white, emerald green, and ultramarine blue appear after 1926 and titanium white uprises around 1976. Our result presented here, study on pigments applied on traditional statues over several different periods, will provide good database for future study on pigments used for traditional painting in Buddist temples and Dancheong.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.33 no.4
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• pp.472-480
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• 2019

Selection of the plant material for planting to reduce fine dust should comprehensively consider the visual characteristics, such as the shape and texture of the plant leaves and form of bark, which affect the adsorption function of the plant. However, previous studies on reduction of fine dust through plants have focused on the absorption function rather than the adsorption function of plants and on foliage plants, which are indoor plants, rather than the outdoor plants. In particular, the criterion for selection of fine dust reduction species is not specific, so research on the selection criteria for plant materials for fine dust reduction in urban areas is needed. The purpose of this study is to identify the priorities of eight indicators that affect the fine dust reduction by using the fuzzy multi-criteria decision-making model (MCDM) and establish the tree selection criteria for the urban planting to reduce fine dust. For the purpose, we conducted a questionnaire survey of those who majored in fine dust-related academic fields and those with experience of researching fine dust. A result of the survey showed that the area of leaf and the tree species received the highest score as the factors that affect the fine dust reduction. They were followed by the surface roughness of leaves, tree height, growth rate, complexity of leaves, edge shape of leaves, and bark feature in that order. When selecting the species that have leaves with the coarse surface, it is better to select the trees with wooly, glossy, and waxy layers on the leaves. When considering the shape of the leaves, it is better to select the two-type or three-type leaves and palm-shaped leaves than the single-type leaves and to select the serrated leaves than the smooth edged leaves to increase the surface area for adsorbing fine dust in the air on the surface of the leaves. When considering the characteristics of the bark, it is better to select trees that have cork layers or show or are likely to show the bark loosening or cracks than to select those with lenticel or patterned barks. This study is significant in that it presents the priorities of the selection criteria of plant material based on the visual characteristics that affect the adsorption of fine dust for the planning of planting to reduce fine dust in the urban area. The results of this study can be used as basic data for the selection of trees for plantation planning in the urban area.

• Journal of the Korea Convergence Society
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• v.11 no.12
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• pp.329-341
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• 2020

As COVID-19 pandemic sweeps across the world, more than 45 million confirmed cases and over 1,000,000 deaths have occurred till now, and this situation is expected to continue for some time. In particular, more than half of the infections in European countries such as Italy and Spain occurred in nursing homes, and it is reported that over 4,000 people died in nursing homes for older adults in the United States. Therefore, the issues that need to be addressed after the COVID-19 crisis include finding a fundamental solution to group care and shifting to family-centered care. More specifically, it is expected that there will be ever more lively discussion on establishing and expanding hyper-technology based community care, that is, family-centered care integrated with ICT and other Industry 4.0 technologies. This poses a challenge of how to combine social security and social welfare with Industry 4.0 in concrete ways that go beyond the abstract suggestions made in the past. A case in point is the proposal involving smart welfare cities. Given this background, the present paper examined the concept, scope, and content of non-face-to-face care in the context of previous literature on the function and scope of the social security platform, and the concept and expandability of the smart welfare city. Implementing a smart city to realize the kind of social security and welfare that our society seeks to provide has significant bearing on the implementation of community care or aging in place. One limitation of this paper, however, is that it does not address concrete measures for implementing non-face-to-face care from the policy and legal/institutional perspectives, and further studies are needed to explore such measures in the future. It is expected that the findings of this paper will provide the future course and vision not only for the smart welfare city but also for the social security and welfare system in administrative, practical, and legislative aspects, and ultimately contribute to improving the quality of human life.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.59-70
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• 2011

The purpose of this study is to present raw data to systematically and rationally manage the protected trees located in Changwon-si, Korea. This study investigated about the present condition and the information of location, individual, management, health and soil. The results are as follows. The protected trees were located in 26 spots, and species of trees were 9 taxa; Zelkova serrata, Celtis sinensis, Aphananthe aspera, Ginkgo biloba, Carpinus tschonoskii, Pinus densiflora for. multicaulis, Quercus variabilis, Pinus densiflora and Salix glandulosa. In protected tree types, shade trees were the most, and the majority of theirs were 200 years or more in age. The range of altitude was 14~173m, and the number of trees located in flat fields was the most. For location types, village and field and mountain were presented in the order and, in land use, land for building was the most. The range of height was 8.0~30.0m, 0.6~5.1m in crown height, 240~700cm in diameter of breast and 210~800cm in diameter of root. In case of crown area, Zelkova serrata of No.5 was most large. The status boards were mostly installed except No.23 and No.26. The sites with fence were 9 spots, and the site with stonework were 14 spots. The sites with the support beam were 5 spots, and most sites were not covered up with soil. The materials of bottom were soil, gravel and vegetation in the order. The range of withering branch rate was 0~40%, and peeled bark rate was 0~60%. The sites made holes were 23 spots, and the hole size of Aphananthe aspera of No.12 was the largest. The sites disturbed by human trampling were 7 spots, the sites by disease and insects of 2 spots, the sites by injury of 23 spots and the sites by exposed roots of 13 spots. In the results of soil analysis, there showed that acidity was pH 4.5~8.0, organic matter content of 3.5~69.8g/kg, electrical conductivity(EC) of 0.11~2.87dS/m, available $P_2O_5$ of 3.0~490.6mg/kg, exchangeable K of 0.10~1.05cmol+/kg, exchangeable Ca of 1.41~16.45cmol+/kg, exchangeable Mg of 0.37~1.96cmol+/kg, exchangeable Na of 0.25~2.41cmol+/kg and cation exchange capacity(C.E.C) of 8.35~26.55cmol+/kg.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.27
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• pp.267-361
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• 2008

This article traces how the modern Chinese "nation" was constructed as an "imagined community" around Huang-ti (the Yellow Emperor) in late Qing. Huang-ti was a legendary figure in ancient China and the imperial courts monopolized the worship of him. Many late Qing intellectuals appropriated this symbolic figure and, through a set of discursive strategies of "framing, voice and narrative structure," transformed him into a privileged symbol for modern Chinese national identity. What Huang-ti could offer was, however, no more than a "public face" for the imagined new national community, or in other words, a formal structure without substantial contents. No consensus appeared on whom the Chinese nation should include and where the Chinese nation should draw its boundaries. The anti-Manchu revolutionaries emphasized the primordial attachment of blood and considered modern China an exclusive community of Huang-ti's descent. The constitutional reformers sought to stretch the boundaries to include the ethnic groups other than the Han. Some minority intellectuals, particularly the Manchu ones, re-constructed the historic memory of their ethnic origin around Huang-ti. The quarrels among intellectuals of different political persuasion testify how Huang-ti as the most powerful cultural symbol became a site for contests and negotiations in the late Qing process of national construction.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.55
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• pp.57-94
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• 2018

Crisis of trust in Korean society, especially south-south conflicts among Korean political circle, civil society and peoples on the issue of the Korean peninsula policy driven by south Korean government, have weakened the sustainable and consistent energy of the policy for peace and unification of Korea peninsula. At the moment of drastic change of south-north relation in Korean peninsula, National agreement as a foundation of sustainable peace and unification policy has very important meaning. Because of this, national contract of unification as a kind of social concertation, has been demanded. National contract for peace and unification is an unprecedented process for making unofficial legal norm because it authorize quasi-legislative binding force on the agreement which is concluded by the Korean political circle, civil society and peoples for the peace and unification of Korean peninsula. National contract for peace and unification includes 'agreed aim and principles' for peace, prosperity and unification as well as process and result. And National contract for peace and unification, also is characterized long duration of aim achievement and openness of participating subjects. In terms of law, it will be legitimate source for comprehensive modification of international and internal law. In addition, The nature of National contract for peace and unification, as a people's law, should be considered as soft law which has the power to realize its contents through the enactment of legislation and policy. In order to guarantee the establishment and effectiveness of National contract for peace and unification, the setting of organization is need to determine the range of representatives, who participate in the process of contract making, procedure of contract and to carry out the contract after the conclusion of National contract for peace and unification. For the reason, the Council of National Contract for Peace and Unification as a independent administrative government committee and 'Act on National Contract for Peace and Unification' is needed.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-45
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• 2017

The aim of this study is to analyze the process of the struggle and bargaining for the change of the employment position of the irregular (in-house subcontracted) workers being at work in the Hyundai Motor Company (HMC) plants into the status of the regular employee of the company, and evaluate the results and limitation of the irregular workers' movement. Since the unionization of irregular workers in 2003, they have carried on the struggle against and the bargaining with the HMC, over the past 10 years and more, making claims for abolishing 'illegal temporary agency work' and for converting their positions into the regular ones. The HMC have gradually altered a confrontational stance against the workers' claim at the early stage, into the bargaining relationship with irregular workers' union. Eventually, the collective agreement on the 'special hiring' of about six thousands irregular workers by the HMC was reached in 2016. We attempt to analyze in depth the overall process by dividing three phases of the movement, according to the criteria of the relationship between the alliance and conflict system, and the cycle of protests of irregular workers. Furthermore, we try to trace the long and winding path of the movement, focusing on the cooperation/conflict relationship within the movement's alliance system, the confrontation/bargaining relationship between the movement and the conflict system, and the critical roles played by mediators (or third parties) between two systems. In the conclusion of the paper, we evaluate the results and limitation of the irregular workers' movement upon the basis of the following points; the convergence of the workers' demands into the prime goal of 'becoming HMC's regular employee,' the breakaway of regular workers' union from the movement's alliance system, and a virtual extinction of irregular workers' union after the final labor-management agreement of 2016.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.93-126
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• 2009

This study is about a event, which happened on January of 1603 in Hamheung. It has covered from the beginning through the conclusion of the event. The event was ignited by a naturalized citizen, Guilsang's coming to the capital city without permission from the government. With this study I've wished to find the situations of specific management of naturalized citizens as well as popular attitudes towards them at the time. Concerning with the event of Guilsang, I could find more detailed situations from "Naturalization Registration". The reason why Guilsang came to Seoul was that he wanted to ask for living together with his son-in-law's family in Yang-Ju. Before his coming, Bie-Byun-Sa had sent a official letter to the governor of Hamkyung-Do so that he had had to move somewhere between Anbyun and Yung-heung. But Guilsang had wanted to live with his whole family in Seoul. The place he visited first was Sa-Yuk-Won. He presented his petition through Yeozin language translator there. Sa-Yuk-Won then informed Ye-Jo to have him investigated. After its investigation, Ye-Jo reported to the king. There were arguments about Guilsang family in the government. Guilsang had wanted to live with his whole family, including his relatives and son-in-law. Guilsang's request had more pros than cons in terms of humanism. But letting him live in Seoul was a difficult decision for the government. but his family strenuously insisted on living in Seoul, trying to kill itself. Finally Government selected Yong-In which was a compromise between the naturalized citizens' wish and difficult position of Government. Yong-In Miejo-Hyun was a poor region where naturalized citizens had lived before but now empty after the wars. In the process of the event of Guilsang, Government differentiated naturalized citizens from general citizens and regarded them foreign. A man from Yeozin was naturalized due to economic reason. But, he couldn't accept to live somewhere except Seoul, separating from his family. Government concerned with dangers of naturalized citizen becoming into foreign agents and stabilization of borders. These concerns caused the policy of residential control and decentralization of naturalized citizens failed.