As modern science is developed and advanced, examination and number of times using radiation are increasing daily. General diagnostic X-ray generator is installed on stationary form, But X-ray generator was developed because patient who is in the intensive care unit, operation room, emergency room can not move to general x-ray room. What we examine patient by x-ray generator is certainly necessary, So patient exposure is inevitable. but reducing radiation exposure is highly important matter about radiation technology, guardian, patient in the same hospital room, nurse etc. For this reason, rule regarding safety control of diagnostic x-ray generator revised for radiation worker, patient and protector proclaim that mobile diagnostic x-ray shield must placed in case of examine different location excluding operation room, emergency room, intensive care unit. But, radiogical technologist is having a lot of difficulties to examine with mobile x-ray generator, diagnostic x-ray shield partition, image plate and lead apron. So, when we use x-ray generator, we manufacture shield tools can be attached to the mobile x-ray generator On behalf of x-ray shield partition and conduct analysis and in comparison to part of body and distribution of dose rate and find way to reduce radiation exposure through distribution of dose rate of patient within the radiogical technologist, medical team. Mobile x-ray generator aimed at SHIMADZU inc. R-20, We manufactured equipment for shielding x-ray scattered x-ray by installing shielding wall from side to side based on support beam on the mobile x-ray generator. Shielding wall when moving can be folded and designed to expand when examine. Experiment measured five times in each by an angle for dose rate of eyes, thyroid, breast, abdomen and gonad on exposure condition of upper and lower extremity, chest, abdomen which is examined many times by mobile x-ray generator. We used dosimeter RSM-100 made by IJRAD and measured a horizontal dose rate by body part. The result of an experiment, shielding decreasing rate of the front and the rear showed 77 ~ 98.7%. Therefore using self-production shielding wall reduce scattered x-ray occurrence rate and confirm can decrease exposure dose consequently. Therefore, through this study, reduction result which is used shielding wall of self-production will be a role of shielding optimization and it could be answer about reduction of medical exposure recommended by ICRP 103.
As the number of precariats grows, their poor labor rights and working conditions are becoming issues of major concern all over the world but how to represent their interests is still controversial. Basically, the union is the institutional mechanism for representing the labor rights. However, it is difficult for workplaceand enterprise-based unions to fully represent the labor rights of precarious workers. Recently, so-called community unions have emerged in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Japan as independent organizations representing the rights of non-standard workers. Community unions refer to labor unions which organize precarious workers across firms at the regional level. They are known to be suitable for covering the unemployed, job seekers, indirect employment workers, short-term contract workers, and small-firm workers. In South Korea, since the financial crisis in 1997, a dramatic increase in the number of precariats leads to emergence of new types of trade unions such as the Youth Community Union, the Arbeit Workers' Union, the Artist Social Union and the Korea Musician's Union. They have engaged in various activities to guarantee the labor rights of precariats. Recently, researchers have also tried to identify defining characteristics of these new forms of unionism. To expand research on trade unionism in South Korea, this study compares two different types of community unions: the Youth Community Union and the Arbeit Workers' Union. We believe that this attempt can contribute to the research on the alternative labor movement. For this purpose, this study starts with theoretical discussions on community unions, and compares the Youth Community Union with the Arbeit Workers' Union based on the five characteristics of community unionism: membership and organization structure, the recognition struggle, the type or scope of interest, solidarity with other civic organizations, and the repertoire of resistance strategies. Based on this comparative analysis, this study seeks to foresee the possibility of how community unionism will develop in South Korean in the future.
The Jurchens, the ancestors of the Qing Manchus, had lived scattered in Manchuria and had made their living mostly on ginseng gathering and animal hunting. Their residential areas, rich with deep forest and numerous rivers, provided great habitation for all kinds of flora and fauna, but not so proper for agriculture. Based on their activities of foraging and hunting, the Jurchens developed a unique social organization that was later transformed into the Banner System, the most distinctive Qing military institution. By the sixteenth century, that the external trade brought considerable changes to Jurchen society. A huge amount of foreign silver, imported from Japan and South America to China, first invigorated commercial economy in China proper, and later caused a huge influence on Ming frontier regions, including Manchuria. In the late sixteenth century when the tradition of foraging and hunting encountered with silver economy, the Jurchen tribes became unified after years of competition and transformed themselves into the Manchus to build the Qing empire in 1636. In 1644 the Manchus succeeded in conquering the China Proper and moved into Beijing. Even after that, the Manchu imperial court never forgot the value of Manchurii ginseng; instead, they paid great efforts to monopolize this profitable root. Until the late seventeenth century, the Qing court used the Banner System to manage Manchurian ginseng. The banner soldiers stationed in Manchuria checked unauthorized civilian entrances in this frontier and protected its ginseng producing mountains from the Han Chinese people. All the process of ginseng gathering was managed by the institutions under the direct control of the imperial court, such as the Imperial Household Department, the Butha Ula Office, and the Three Upper Banner in Shengjing. Banner soldiers were dispatched to the given mountains, collect the given amount of ginseng, and send them to the imperial court in Beijing. The state monopoly of ginseng was maintained throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries under the principle that Manchuria and its natural resources should be guarded from civilian encroachment. At the same time, Manchurian ginseng was considered as an important source of state revenue. The imperial court and financial bureau wanted to collect ginseng as much as they needed. By the late seventeenth century as the ginseng management by the banner soldiers failed in securing the ginseng tax, the Qing court began to invite civil merchants to ginseng business. During the eighteenth century the Qing ginseng policy became more dependent on civil merchants, both their money and management. In 1853 the Qing finally ended the ginseng monopoly, but it was before the early eighteenth century that wealthy merchants hired ginseng gatherers and paid ginseng tax to the state. The Qing monopoly of ginseng was in fact maintained by the active participation of civil merchants in the ginseng business.
The changes of forest degradation in North Korea have closely been related to political, economic and social conditions at all different times. The deforestation by local people for their livelihood has been accelerated when the recession has been worsened due to the 1990's collapse of socialism and the years of natural disasters, and the fall of the centralized and planned economy system. The serious recession in the 1990's has brought many changes in the North Korean society since the 2000's. Not only the underground economy, but also the market in which personal trades are occurred have been expanded as the distribution system of the planned economy system had fallen. In addition, even many state institutions have also increased timber harvest for export to acquire insufficient foreign currency. Eventually, North Korea felt the limits of utilization of forest resources under socialism then started to seek measures to restore devastated forest, while realizing the need of support from the international society. Therefore, some NGOs of South Korea started to give financial support on building tree nurseries in which seedlings for planting are produced to help the rehabilitation of the degraded forests in North Korea. Therefore, Planning of the basic directions for forest rehabilitation programs considering to economic and social conditions of North Korea are needed based on the successful rehabilitation experience of South Korea in the 1970's. First of all, relationships which was built after collapse of centrally planned economy between districts, businesses and workers must be consider to rehabilitate forests in North Korea. Secondly, due to the nature of forest rehabilitation projects this is very needs voluntary participation of resident for a long time, and then forest rehabilitation projects can create jobs for local resident, they can obtain continuous income on the forest rehabilitation projects field in order to promote resident's work in forest rehabilitation projects. Thirdly, the rate dependence on forests of the residents living must keep the level down by rural development projects going side by side with forest rehabilitation projects. Fourthly, use of exsisting forest management system in North Korea is also needed to ensure administrative power and labor for grand scale plantations in a short period of time. Meanwhile after the success of Forest Rehabilitation, it is very important to improve exsisting forest management system.
The aim of this study is to draw forth the tasks for establishing the right of native biology in Korea through the case study on 'Access on genetic resources and Benefit Sharing'. For this purpose, this study decided on its research subject by selecting Hoodia, on which ABS treaty was made the most recently, through the examination of the representative ABS precedents on plant species. This study analyzed the process background of ABS on Hoodia, and compared & analyzed the ABS procedures of 'Bonn Guidelines' adopted by the 6th Conference of the Parties of the Convention on Biological Diversity in 2002 and Hoodia case. Together with the ABS major issues in common drawn as a result of this analysis, and "Nagoya Protocol" adopted by the 10th Conference of the Parties of the Convention on Biological Diversity, this study intended to shed a light on the impending tasks which Korea faces at present and its role relationship. The research results are as follows: 1. It is required that species habitats should be divided based on biological classification and its subsequent community should be established with the development of infrastructure such as a community's independent production, management and monitoring of bio-species. 2. There needs to be a designation of ABS National Focal Point for sharing of ABS-related general information, boosting of implementation of the relevant convention. 3. There needs to be the establishment of ABS convention system consequent on legislative, administrative, political procedures, and designation of the Competent National Authorities for the provision of the format of Prior Informed Consent (PIC) and Mutually Agreed Terms (MAT) and their contents assessment and confirmation. 4. There should be the establishment of integrated management system of ABS-related research and development of forest biological resources and its relevant research projects. 5. There should be information development through the distribution of responsibility and role between the ministries and offices concerned according to bio-resources, and there needs to be efforts in aiming for opening a working group of academic-industrial institutions for developing a mutually interchangeable system. 6. It's required that the efficient access between industrial circles and the people should be promoted by setting up ABS support center of biological resources in ministry and office's charge. 7. There should be a selection of a national supervisory organization for securement of the right of a local community and monitoring of ABS convention implementation, and a countermeasure system for preventing outflow of forest bioresources. Conclusively, it's judged that it will be possible to inquire into the countermeasures for the establishment of the native forest biology dominion through such research results.
This article traces how the modern Chinese "nation" was constructed as an "imagined community" around Huang-ti (the Yellow Emperor) in late Qing. Huang-ti was a legendary figure in ancient China and the imperial courts monopolized the worship of him. Many late Qing intellectuals appropriated this symbolic figure and, through a set of discursive strategies of "framing, voice and narrative structure," transformed him into a privileged symbol for modern Chinese national identity. What Huang-ti could offer was, however, no more than a "public face" for the imagined new national community, or in other words, a formal structure without substantial contents. No consensus appeared on whom the Chinese nation should include and where the Chinese nation should draw its boundaries. The anti-Manchu revolutionaries emphasized the primordial attachment of blood and considered modern China an exclusive community of Huang-ti's descent. The constitutional reformers sought to stretch the boundaries to include the ethnic groups other than the Han. Some minority intellectuals, particularly the Manchu ones, re-constructed the historic memory of their ethnic origin around Huang-ti. The quarrels among intellectuals of different political persuasion testify how Huang-ti as the most powerful cultural symbol became a site for contests and negotiations in the late Qing process of national construction.
The purpose of this study is to examine the significant factors having an effect on voting behavior of legislators in the FTA ratification votes of the 18th and 19th National Assembly. The previous studies show that the ideology and party affiliation of lawmakers are the most important factors influencing voting decisions of legislators. The study investigates whether these factors plays a significant role in voting on the FTA ratification. Statistical results show three important findings. First of all, we expected that the influence of the party variable be the most important factor due to the strong discipline of the Korean party. However, the results show that the constituency-interest variable is the most influential factor in the all analyses. Likewise, the results show that the influence of ideology variables on voting behaviors is very strong even though its impact is different by cases and models. This indicates that in the analysis of the voting behaviors of legislators, it is necessary to examine the effect of ideological variables in depth and in various ways. In addition, the results reasonably suggest that the party variable be consistently important even though its statistical significance is not shown in some models. Because the study analyzes the voting on the free trade agreement(FTA) bill, the results may not be commonly applicable to other voting behavior of legislator. Likewise, there is a limit to discussing the general characteristics of lawmakers based on the analysis on the 5 FTA ratifications. Nevertheless, the finding of the study is very significant. This is because it comprehensively analyzed the factors having an influence on the voting behavior of the legislators on FTA ratifications submitted to the National Assembly steadily since the 16th National Assembly. In addition, the study is very meaningful because it analyzed the ideological variables of the legislators in various perspectives considering that it is not easy in measuring the ideology of the lawmakers.
The two schools which eventually came to form the "Northerners party" in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty, were Nam'myeong school and Hwadam school. Nam'myeong's philosophy, which emphasized the importance and merit of acting upon respect and righteousness(敬義), encouraged many people to organize righteous militias during the war with the Japanese in the 1590s, and when Jeong In-hong established himself as the leader of the Northerners party during the reign of King Gwang'hae-gun, the philosophy of the party and the school continued to thrive. Also, Hwadam's philosophy, which tried to understand Neo-Confucianism from a flexible point of view and demonstrated a level of openness toward it, had a considerable influence upon the Northerners school as well. It seems Nam'myeong Jo Shik and Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok were the ones who ultimately enabled the Northerners party to be more active in their operations of the government and also to approach more freely toward the ideology of Neo-Confucianism. Prime examples of the party's stance and attitude, and also of the school's philosophy and perception of the world, were figures like Jeong In-hong and Heo Gyun from the 'Majority Northerners(大北) party,' and Kim Shin-guk and Nam I-gong from the 'Minority Northerners(小北) party.'Since the time of King Injo's ascension to the throne in 1623, the philosophical society of Joseon came to be occupied by schools who were deeply committed and dedicated to the teachings of Ju Hi and his Neo-Confucianism, such as the Twe'gye and Yulgok schools, and as a result the Northerners' philosophy was pushed away from its former formidable status. Their political philosophy was also partially responsible for their fall, as they believed only them were the ideal Confucian figures(君子黨), and never appreciated the stances of other political factions. In the middle of the 17th century, passing through a war with the Manchurian Qing dynasty as well, they further became a mere undercurrent. Yet their thinking and philosophy partially survived, as it managed to affect and influence the Southerner school scholars who were living in the vicinity of the capital in the mid and late 17th century, as well as the "Shilhak" scholars such as Yi Ik/李瀷 in the 18th century, on a certain level. The Northerners faction was a party and a school which led the political and philosophical societies of Joseon, alongside the Westerners and Southerners, in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty. Recently, studies of Jo Shik and Seo Gyeong-deok, figures who were the roots of the Northerners faction, and studies of how the Northerners' political philosophy was inherited to the following generations, have been published and announced. All these efforts will enrich future studies dealing with the political history and philosophical history of the middle and latter periods of the Joseon dynasty.
In this paper we show how the perception of heavenly principle(天理) and definition of individual desires(私慾) in the five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) was changed over time. The five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) composed during $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are 'Sooneon(醇言) by Lee, Yul-gock (李珥,1536~1584), 'SinJoo-DoDuckKyung (新註道德經) - or New Commentary on Daodejing(道德經) - by Park, Se-dang(朴世堂,1629~1703), 'Dodukjigi(道德指歸)' by Suh, Myoung-euing(徐命膺,1716~1787), 'Chowondamro (椒園談老)' by Lee, Chung-ik(李忠翊,1744~1816), and 'Jungro(訂老)' by Hong, Suk-joo (洪奭周,1774~1842). The course of history in understanding the book, "Daodejing(道德經)," demonstrated that by the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty in the 18th century, the notion of 'the moral law for the community' has changed. Neither Suh, Myoung-euing nor Lee, Chung-ik emphasized 'the necessity for the truth of the heavens.'Instead, they focused more on the 'individuals' who followed the moral law than the moral law itself. They did not see the individual desire as the object that had to be discarded. Within the context of this framework, the individual's role had changed from the person who had to be obedient to the law to the subject who judged the moral law all by him/herself. This process of breaking up 'the goodness of the community' led the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty of the 18th century in the transition period to the modern era. In other words, it was the time when the introspection of the 'moral law' prevailed in the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty occurred naturally and spontaneously among the Confucian scholars, which implied the reconceptualization of the 'self-awareness' or 'the point of view on the individual's self-desire' was occurred in the context of academic development during the late $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty.
Until now, I guess, many scholars misunderstood the characteristic of economic awareness of Yi Hang-no as if it was a modern nationalism or radicalism against Japanese anti-Korean insistences. But I think these opinions are out of historical attitude. So to understand Yi's economic awareness correctly, I think, We should focus on the traditional Confucian thought system at that time. As one method to reach the goal, I focused on the word, Jeong-jeon-je: Oriental equal land system. Yi Hang-no put the importance on Jeong-jeon-je to make utopia he dreamed of. Yi thought Jeong-jeon-je is the basis of equal society and strong state. Also Yi thought a moral society would be achieved by Jeong-jeon-je because the equal land system, so called Jeong-jeon-je provide peasants with equal lands, so it makes peasants stable in economic situation. Especially, Yi Hang-no put importance on that Jeong-jeon-je would raise moral consciousness of people because equal economic condition makes people wealthy, so people would be good men naturally. Yi Hang-no explain it in basis of Insim-Dosim-seol: a theory of two minds bad & good to be. Yi Hang-no thought equal economic condition is the basis of making people moral being. He thought Jeong-jeon-je was a basis of the condition. Reversely, Yi thought Western insists of trade was the beginning of making people fight for individual benefit, so it produces devil selfishness out of human mind. That was the reason that Yi Hang-no opposed the trade with Western Powers. Eventually Yi's assertion of embargo came out of his Insim-Dosim-seol. In this context, Yi's Jeong-jeon-je was insisted as a method to raise human moral consciousness.
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