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A Study on the Preservation of Citrus Mandarin by Irradiation (방사선조사(放射線照射)에 의(依)한 감귤(柑橘) 저장(貯藏)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Chung, Chang Cho;Kim, Jai Ha;Kim, Soo Hyun;Cho, Han Ok
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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    • v.12 no.2
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    • pp.116-121
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    • 1983
  • A study was conducted to evaluate the effect of $^{60}CO-{\gamma}$ irradiation on the preservation on Satauma mandarin in Cheju Island. Four varieties (S. m. early, S. m. Komezawa, S. m. Hayashi and S. m. Aoshima) were irradiated using 10,000Ci, $^{60}CO-{\gamma}$ ray with dosages of 0, 50, 100 and 150Krad. During 92 days of storage the effects of irradiation on mandarin porperties were as follows: At the end of storage period the accumulated fruit rotting percentage were S. m. Komezawa($T_2$);74.32%, S. m. early($T_1$);69.67%, S. m. Aoshima($T_4$);64.33% and S. m. Hayashi ($T_3$);61.79%. The rottings steadily increased from the early stage of storage and rapid spoilage continued after 59 days of irradiation. A high corelation existed between fruit rotting and varieties ($T_3$;Y=0.78x-15.30, $T_4$;Y=0.79x-12.29, $T_1$;Y=0.93x-9.01 and $T_2$;Y=0.79x-13.49) High dosages(100 and 150 Krad)improved fruit preservation during the mid storage stage. However 76 days after high dose irradiation there was no significant difference a rotting between irradiated fruit and the control. Irradiation decreased acidity of fruit during storage (p<0.01). The mean acidities of examined varieties were $T_1$;1.01%, $T_3$;1.01%, $T_4$;0.84% and $T_2$;0.77%. A significant differences were observed in acidity between varieties and dosages(P<0.01) With one exception in all treatments. the increase in free and total sugar content was not statestically significant. The exception was the 50 Krad treatment where the total sugar content decreased. $T_1$ and $T_4$ showed slightly higher value of than Brix $T_2$ and $T_3$, and were significantly(P<0.01) decreased by higher dosage. The ascorbic acid content in all treatments decreased with length of storage and also decreased significantly with a higher dosage.

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Breeding and Development of the Tscherskia triton in Jeju Island (제주도 서식 비단털쥐(Tscherskia triton)의 번식과 발달)

  • Park, Jun-Ho;Oh, Hong-Shik
    • Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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    • v.31 no.2
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    • pp.152-165
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    • 2017
  • The greater long-tail hamster, Tscherskia triton, is widely distributed in Northern China, Korea and adjacent areas of Russia. Except for its distribution, biological characteristics related to life history, behavior, and ecological influences for this species are rarely studied in Korea. This study was conducted to obtain biological information on breeding, growth and development that are basic to species-specific studies. The study adopted laboratory management of a breeding programme for T. triton collected in Jeju Island from March, 2015 to December, 2016. According to the study results, the conception rate was 31.67% and the mice in the large cages had a higher rate of conception than those in the small cages (56.7 vs. 6.7%). The gestation period was $22{\pm}1.6days$ (ranges from 21 to27 days), and litter size ranged from 2 to 7, with a mean of $4.26{\pm}1.37$ in the species. The minimum age for weaning was between $19.2{\pm}1.4days$ (range of 18-21 days). There were no significant differences by sex between mean body weight and external body measurements at birth. However, a significant sexual difference was found from the period of weaning (21 days old) in head and body length, as well as tail length (HBL-weaning, $106.50{\pm}6.02$ vs. $113.34{\pm}4.72mm$, p<0.05; HBL-4 months, $163.93{\pm}5.42$ vs. $182.83{\pm}4.32mm$, p<0.05; TL-4 months, $107.23{\pm}3.25$ vs. $93.95{\pm}2.15mm$, p<0.05). Gompertz and Logistic growth curves were fitted to data for body weight and lengths of head and body, tail, ear, and hind foot. In two types of growth curves, males exhibited greater asymptotic values ($164.840{\pm}7.453$ vs. $182.830{\pm}4.319mm$, p<0.0001; $163.936{\pm}5.415$ vs. $182.840{\pm}4.333mm$, p<0.0001), faster maximum growth rates ($1.351{\pm}0.065$ vs. $1.435{\pm}0.085$, p<0.05; $2.870{\pm}0.253$ vs. $3.211{\pm}0.635$, p<0.05), and a later age of maximum growth than females in head and body length ($5.121{\pm}0.318$ vs. $5.520{\pm}0.333$, p<0.05; $6.884{\pm}0.336$ vs. $7.503{\pm}0.453$, p<0.05). However, females exhibited greater asymptotic values ($105.695{\pm}5.938$ vs. $94.150{\pm}2.507mm$, p<0.001; $111.609{\pm}14.881$ vs. $93.960{\pm}2.150mm$, p<0.05) and longer length of inflection ($60.306{\pm}1.992$ vs. $67.859{\pm}1.330mm$, p<0.0001; $55.714{\pm}7.458$ vs. $46.975{\pm}1.074mm$, p<0.05) than males in tail length. These growth rate constants, viz. the morphological characters and weights of the males and females, were similar to each other in two types of growth curves. These results will be used as necessary data to study species specificity of T. triton with biological foundations.

A Research on Investigation Results of Teenagers' Civic and Ethic Awareness - Confucian values and a Treatise of Human Nature (유교사상을 통한 청소년의 시민윤리의식 실증조사연구)

  • Moon, Ki-young;Lee, In-young
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.52
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    • pp.393-424
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    • 2017
  • This study investigates the relationship between South Korean youths' Confucian values and sense of citizen ethics while presenting outlook on the sense of citizen ethics based on the theory of human nature. The purpose of this study, by doing so, is to present educational measures. For this purpose, empirical research method was applied in this study. In the empirical study, youths were surveyed and the answers were statistically analyzed and discussed with a view to achieve the study purpose. In the empirical research part of the study, Korean youths' awareness on Confucian values was examined along with its relationship with the sense of citizen ethics. The effect of Confucian values on sense of citizen ethics and their relationship were analyzed to evaluate the receptivity of youths on Confucian ideas and usefulness of sense of citizen ethics. This study investigated a total of final 311 sets of data from male and female students at middle and high schools located in Seoul, Gyeonggi, South Korea. First, to identify the youths' Confucian values and level of sense of citizen ethics, descriptive statistical analysis was conducted. As a result, the survey subjects were found to have, concerning the Confucian values, world view M=3.54, human relations view M=3.66, morality cultivation M=3.76, and social order M=3.45, higher than 3.0 to represent positive levels. The morality cultivation, in particular, was recorded the highest among all whereas the social order was relatively lower, which represents the degree of relying on Confucian values to establish social order. Second, the sub-variables of Confucian values were verified according to the personal characteristics of the surveyed youths and differences in their entire perception was investigated. As a result, according to gender, morality cultivation was found higher in female students (M=3.85) than in male students (M=3.64). According to the subjective economic level of their household, world view was found higher in upper class (M=3.98) than middle-low class (M=3.25) and low class (M=3.22) while human relations view was found higher in middle-upper class (M=3.79) than low class (M=3.46). As for the family type, morality cultivation was found higher in extended family (M=3.83) than nuclear family (M=3.62); and social order was higher in extended family (M=3.54) than nuclear family (M=3.36). Third, to verify the study theme of identifying the effects of youths' Confucian values on sense of citizen morality, hierarchical regression analysis was employed in this study, which used the multi-level model of multiple regression analysis. As a result, the Confucian values was found to have significant positive (+) correlations with the entire sense of citizen ethics in order of human relations view(${\beta}=.499$), world view(${\beta}=.412$), social order(${\beta}=.341$), and morality cultivation(${\beta}=.241$). Confucian value showed significant positive (+) correlations with autonomy in order of morality cultivation(${\beta}=.458$), human relations view(${\beta}=.454$), social order(${\beta}=.362$), and world view(${\beta}=.158$). Confucian values was found to have significant positive (+) correlations with community spirit in order of human relations view(${\beta}=.295$), social order(${\beta}=.281$), and morality cultivation(${\beta}=.232$). As shown in the findings above, youths' Confucian values was found to have significant positive (+) effects on the sense of citizen ethics. It is noted that the higher the Confucian values, the more positive the sense of citizen ethics would be. Consequentially, the Confucian values was identified to play an important role in the sense of citizen ethics in the modern society. Based on this analysis, this study presented specific measures - the necessity and possibility of education on sense of citizen ethics under the theory of human nature. To this end, this study proposed to find an optimal interface between the contemporary sense of citizen ethics and Confucian ethics through the respect for human life and nature, man of virtue as the ideal human model, and united society as a desirable society model.

Evaluation of HalcyonTM Fast kV CBCT effectiveness in radiation therapy in cervical cancer patients of childbearing age who performed ovarian transposition (난소전위술을 시행한 가임기 여성의 자궁경부암 방사선치료 시 난소선량 감소를 위한 HalcyonTM Fast kV CBCT의 유용성 평가 : Phantom study)

  • Lee Sung Jae;Shin Chung Hun;Choi So Young;Lee Dong Hyeong;Yoo Soon Mi;Song Heung Gwon;Yoon In Ha
    • The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
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    • v.34
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    • pp.73-82
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    • 2022
  • Purpose: The purpose of this study is to evaluate the effectiveness of reducing the absorbed dose to the ovaries and the quality of the CBCT image when using the HalcyonTM Fast kV CBCT of cervical cancer patients of child-bearing age who performed ovarian transposition Materials and Methods : Contouring of the cervix and ovaries required for measurement was performed on the computed tomography images of the human phantom (Alderson Rando Phantom, USA), and three Optically Stimulated Luminescence Dosimeter(OSLD) were attached to the selected organ cross-section, respectively. In order to measure the absorbed dose to the cervix and ovaries in the TruebeamTM pelvis mode (Hereinafter referred to as TP), The HalcyonTM Pelvis mode (Hereinafter referred to as HP) and The HalcyonTM Pelvis Fast mode (Hereinafter referred to as HPF), An image was taken with a scan range of 17.5 cm and also taken an image that reduced the Scan range to 12.5cm. A total of 10 cumulative doses were summed, It was replaced with a value of 23 Fx, the number of cervical cancer treatments, and compared In additon, uniformity, low contrast visibility, spatial resolution, and geometric distortion were compared and analyzed using Catphan 504 phantom to compare CBCT image quality between equipment. Each factor was repeatedly measured three times, and the average value was obtained by analysing with the Doselab (Mobius Medical Systems, LP. Versions: 6.8) program. Results: As a result of measuring absorbed dose by CBCT with OSLD, TP and HP did not obtain significant results under the same conditions. The mode showing the greatest reduction value was HPF versus TP. In HPF, the absorbed dose was reduced by 39.8% in the cervix and 19.8% in the ovary compared to the TP in the scan range of 17.5 cm. the scan range was reduced to 12.5 cm, absorbed dose was reduced by 34.2% in the cervix and 50.5% in the ovary. In addition, result of evaluating the quality of the image used in the above experiment, it complied with the equipment manufacturer's standards with Geometric Distortion within 1mm (SBRT standard), Uniformity HU, LCV within 2.0%, Spatial Resolution more than 3 lp/mm. Conclusion: According to the results of this experiment, HalcyonTM can select more various conditions than TruebeamTM in treatment of fertility woman who have undergone ovarian Transposition , because it is important to reduce the radiation dose by CBCT during radiation therapy. So finally we recommend HalcyonTM Fast kV CBCT which maintains image quality even at low mAs. However, it is consider that the additional exposure to low doses can be reduced by controlling the imaging range for patients who have undergone ovarian transposition in other treatment machines.

Cultural Practices for Reducing Cold Wind Damage of Rice Plant in Eastern Coastal Area of Korea (동해안지대 도작의 냉조풍피해와 피해경감대책)

  • 이승필;김칠용
    • KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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    • v.36 no.5
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    • pp.407-428
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    • 1991
  • The eastern coastal area having variability of climate is located within Taebaek mountain range and the east coast of Korea. It is therefore ease to cause the wind damages in paddy field during rice growing season. The wind damages to rice plant in this area were mainly caused by the Fohn wind (dry and hot wind) blowing over the Taebaek mountain range and the cold humid wind from the coast. The dry wind cause such as the white head, broken leaves, cut-leaves, dried leaves, shattering of grain, glume discolouration and lodging, On the other hand the cold humid wind derived from Ootsuku air mass in summer cause such symptom as the poor rice growth, degeneration of rachis brenches and poor ripening. To minimize the wind damages and utilize as a preparatory data for wind injury of rice in future, several experiments such as the selection of wind resistant variety to wind damage, determination of optimum transplanting date, improvement of fertilizer application methods, improvement of soils and effect of wind break net were carried out for 8 years from 1982 to 1989 in the eastern coastal area. The results obtained are summarized as follows. 1. According to available statisical data from Korean meteorological services (1954-1989) it is apperent that cold humid winds frequently cause damage to rice fields from August 10th to September 10th, it is therefore advisable to plan rice cultivation in such a way that the heading date should not be later than August 10th. 2. During the rice production season, two winds cause severe damage to the rice fields in eastern coastal area of Korea. One is the Fohn winds blowing over the Taebaek mountain range and the other is the cold humid wind form the coast. The frequency of occurrence of each wind was 25%. 3. To avoid damage caused by typhoon winds three different varieties of rice were planted at various areas. 4. In the eastern coastal area of Korea, the optimum ripening temperature for rice was about 22.2$^{\circ}C$ and the optimum heading date wad August 10th. The optimum transplanting time for the earily maturity variety was June 10th., medium maturity variety was May 20th and that of late maturity was May 10th by means of growing days degree (GDD) from transplanting date to heading date. 5.38% of this coastal area is sandy loamy soil while 28% is high humus soil. These soil types are very poor for rice cultivation. In this coastal area, the water table is high, the drainage is poor and the water temperature is low. The low water temperature makes it difficult for urea to dissolve, as a result rice growth was delayed, and the rice plant became sterile. But over application of urea resulted in blast disease in rice plants. It is therefore advise that Ammonium sulphate is used in this area instead of urea. 6. The low temperature of the soil inhibits activities of microorganism for phosphorus utilization so the rice plant could not easily absorb the phosphorus in the soil. Therefore phosphorus should be applied in splits from transplanting to panicle initiation rather than based application. 7. Wind damage was severe in the sandy loamy soil as compared to clay soils. With the application of silicate. compost and soil from mointain area. the sand loamy soil was improved for rice grain colour and ripening. 8. The use of wind break nets created a mocro-climate such as increased air. soil and water temperature as well as the reduction of wind velocity by 30%. This hastened rice growth, reduced white head and glume discolouration. improved rice quality and increased yield. 9. Two meter high wind break net was used around the rice experimental fields and the top of it. The material was polyethylene sheets. The optimum spacing was 0.5Cm x 0.5Cm. and that of setting up the wind break net was before panicle initiation. With this set up, the field was avoided off th cold humid wind and the Fohn. The yield in the treatment was 20% higher than the control. 10. After typhoon, paddy field was irrigated deeply and water was sprayed to reduce white head, glume discolouration, so rice yield was increased because of increasing ripening ratio and 1, 000 grain weight.

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Territorial Expansion the King Võ (Võ Vương, 1738-1765) in the Mekong Delta: Variation of Tám Thực Chi Kế (strategy of silkworm nibbling) and Dĩ Man Công Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians) in the Way to Build a New World Order (무왕(武王, 1738-1765) 시기 메콩 델타에서의 영토 확장 추이: 제국으로 가는 길, '잠식지계(蠶食之計)'와 '이만공만(以蠻攻蠻)'의 변주)

  • CHOI, Byung Wook
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.37-76
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    • 2017
  • $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.

The Effect of Stage of Maturity on the Composition and Feeding Value of Silage (생육시기가 Silage의 사용가치에 미치는 영향)

  • 신정남;윤익석
    • Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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    • v.4 no.1
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    • pp.41-60
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    • 1983
  • Experiments were conducted to study the effect of stage of maturity at harvest on the quality of silage. Herbage samples taken from the barley plant, rye plant, wheat plant, oat plant, Orchardgrass, Italian ryegrass, a mixed grass sward of Orchardgrass and Italian ryegrass and corn plant at different stages of maturity and ensiled in order to evaluate the effect of maturity on the chemical composition and feeding value as well as digestibility using sheep. Forage material were ensiled in small concrete silo. 1. The dry matter yield per 10a increased with advancing the maturity. Yield of brarley plant was 404, 635 and 900 kg at heading, milk and milk dough stage, respectively. Rye plant yield was 279, 589, 708, 10,000, 1,265, 1,376 and 1,492 kg at booting, before heading, early heading, late heading, early flowering, late flowering and after flowering stage, respectively. Italian ryegrass yield was 355, 613, 844 and 1,109 kg at vegetative, booting, heading and flowering, respectively. Orchardgrass/Italian ryegrass production was 477, 696, 891 and 1,027 kg at before was 458, 1,252, 1,534, 1,986 and 2,053 kg at tassel, early milk, yellow ripe and ripe stage, respectively. 2. Dry matter content increased with advancing maturity, but crude protein declined markedly. The NFE content decreased with advancing maturity of all the herbages except corn plant where NFE content increased, but corn plant increased. The content of crude fiber increased with advancing maturity except corn plant. The content of crude ash decreased with advancing maturity. In the rye plant, the content of neutral detergent fiber (NDF), acid detergent fiber (ADF) and cellulose increased with advancing maturity. 3. In vitro dry matter digestibilities of the rye plant was 53.6, 54.1, 50.7, 47.1, 44.9, 40.1 and 38.9% booting, before hcading, early heading, late heading, early flowering, late flowering and after flowering stage, respectively. The regression equation was $Y=56.22-0.74X+0.009X^2$ (X=cutting date from the first cut, Y=dry matter digestibilities). 4. In vitro digestible dry matter yield (kg/10a) of rye plant increased with advancing maturity, but declined from the flowering stage. The regression equation was $Y=168.88+26.09X-0.41X^2$ (X=cutting date from the first cut). 5. In vitro digestibility of dry matter in the corn plant was 69.2, 71.5, 69.8 and 69.9% at tassel, early milk, milk and yellow ripe stage, respectively. 6. The digestibility of crude protein and crude fiber of all plants decreased with advancing matuity, but NFE of the barley and corn generally increased. 7. The TDN contents on the dry matter basis decreased, but those of barley and corn silage were not different. TDN content of barley was 57.8, 57.1 and 57.9% at heading, milk and milk dough stage, respectively. That of rye silage was 50.0, 27.2 and 43.7% at early flowering, after flowering and milk stage, respectively. Italian ryegrass silage was 67.9, 63.7, and 54.9% at before heading, early heading and after heading, respectively. In case of Orchardgrass silage the TDN was 54.8, 52.9 and 46.1% at after heading, after flowering and milk, respectively. Corn shows TDN value of 59.5, 62.8 and 61.6% at milk, yellow ripe and ripe, respectively. 8. The pH value increased slightly by advancing maturity. 9. the content of organic acid decreased by advancing maturity and also increasing the DM content.

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Changes in Agricultural Extension Services in Korea (한국농촌지도사업(韓國農村指導事業)의 변동(變動))

  • Fujita, Yasuki;Lee, Yong-Hwan;Kim, Sung-Soo
    • Journal of Agricultural Extension & Community Development
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    • v.7 no.1
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    • pp.155-166
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    • 2000
  • When the marcher visited Korea in fall 1994, he was shocked to see high rise apartment buildings around the capitol region including Seoul and Suwon, resulting from rising demand of housing because of urban migration followed by second and third industrial development. After 6 years in March 2000, the researcher witnessed more apartment buildings and vinyl house complexes, one of the evidences of continued economic progress in Korea. Korea had to receive the rescue finance from International Monetary Fund (IMF) because of financial crisis in 1997. However, the sign of recovery was seen in a year, and the growth rate of Gross Domestic Products (GDP) in 1999 recorded as high as 10.7 percent. During this period, the Korean government has been working on restructuring of banks, enterprises, labour and public sectors. The major directions of government were; localization, reducing administrative manpower, limiting agricultural budgets, privatization of public enterprises, integration of agricultural organization, and easing of various regulations. Thus, the power of central government shifted to local government resulting in a power increase for city mayors and county chiefs. Agricultural extension services was one of targets of government restructuring, transferred to local governments from central government. At the same time, the number of extension offices was reduced by 64 percent, extension personnel reduced by 24 percent, and extension budgets reduced. During the process of restructuring, the basic direction of extension services was set by central Rural Development Administration Personnel management, technology development and supports were transferred to provincial Rural Development Administrations, and operational responsibilities transferred to city/county governments. Agricultural extension services at the local levels changed the name to Agricultural Technology Extension Center, established under jurisdiction of city mayor or county chief. The function of technology development works were added, at the same time reducing the number of educators for agriculture and rural life. As a result of observations of rural areas and agricultural extension services at various levels, functional responsibilities of extension were not well recognized throughout the central, provincial, and local levels. Central agricultural extension services should be more concerned about effective rural development by monitoring provincial and local level extension activities more throughly. At county level extension services, it may be desirable to add a research function to reflect local agricultural technological needs. Sometimes, adding administrative tasks for extension educators may be helpful far farmers. However, tasks such as inspection and investigation should be avoided, since it may hinder the effectiveness of extension educational activities. It appeared that major contents of the agricultural extension service in Korea were focused on saving agricultural materials, developing new agricultural technology, enhancing agricultural export, increasing production and establishing market oriented farming. However these kinds of efforts may lead to non-sustainable agriculture. It would be better to put more emphasis on sustainable agriculture in the future. Agricultural extension methods in Korea may be better classified into two approaches or functions; consultation function for advanced farmers and technology transfer or educational function for small farmers. Advanced farmers were more interested in technology and management information, while small farmers were more concerned about information for farm management directions and timely diffusion of agricultural technology information. Agricultural extension service should put more emphasis on small farmer groups and active participation of farmers in these groups. Providing information and moderate advice in selecting alternatives should be the major activities for consultation for advanced farmers, while problem solving processes may be the major educational function for small farmers. Systems such as internet and e-mail should be utilized for functions of information exchange. These activities may not be an easy task for decreased numbers of extension educators along with increased administrative tasks. It may be difficult to practice a one-to-one approach However group guidance may improve the task to a certain degree.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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Characteristics and classification of paddy soils on the Gimje-Mangyeong plains (김제만경평야(金堤萬頃平野)의 답토양특성(沓土壤特性)과 그 분류(分類)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Shin, Yong Hwa
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.5 no.2
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    • pp.1-38
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    • 1972
  • This study, designed to establish a classification system of paddy soils and suitability groups on productivity and management of paddy land based on soil characteristics, has been made for the paddy soils on the Gimje-Mangyeong plains. The morphological, physical and chemical properties of the 15 paddy soil series found on these plains are briefly as follows: Ten soil series (Baeggu, Bongnam, Buyong, Gimje, Gongdeog, Honam, Jeonbug, Jisan, Mangyeong and Suam) have a B horizon (cambic B), two soil series (Geugrag and Hwadong) have a Bt horizon (argillic B), and three soil series (Gwanghwal, Hwagye and Sindab) have no B or Bt horizons. Uniquely, both the Bongnam and Gongdeog series contain a muck layer in the lower part of subsoil. Four soil series (Baeggu, Gongdeog, Gwanghwal and Sindab) generally are bluish gray and dark gray, and eight soil series (Bongnam, Buyong, Gimje, Honam, Jeonbug, Jisan, Mangyeong and Suam) are either gray or grayish brown. Three soil series (Geugrag, Hwadong and Hwagye), however, are partially gleyed in the surface and subsurface, but have a yellowish brown to brown subsoil or substrata. Seven soil series (Bongnam, Buyong, Geugrag, Gimje, Gongdeog, Honam and Hwadong) are of fine clayey texture, three soil series (Baeggu, Jeonbug and Jisan) belong to fine loamy and fine silty, three soil series (Gwanghwal, Mangyeong and Suam) to coarse loamy and coarse silty, and two soil series (Hwagye and Sindab) to sandy and sandy skeletal texture classes. The carbon content of the surface soil ranges from 0.29 to 2.18 percent, mostly 1.0 to 2.0 percent. The total nitrogen content of the surface soil ranges from 0.03 to 0.25 percent, showing a tendency to decrease irregularly with depth. The C/N ratio in the surface soil ranges from 4.6 to 15.5, dominantly from 8 to 10. The C/N ratio in the subsoil and substrata, however, has a wide range from 3.0 to 20.25. The soil reaction ranges from 4.5 to 8.0. All soil series except the Gwanghwal and Mangyeong series belong to the acid reaction class. The cation exchange cpacity in the surface soil ranges from 5 to 13 milliequivalents per 100 grams of soil, and in all the subsoil and substrata except those of a sandy texture, from 10 to 20 milliequivalents per 100 grams of soil. The base saturation of the soil series except Baeggu and Gongdeog is more than 60 percent. The active iron content of the surface soil ranges from 0.45 to 1.81 ppm, easily-reduceable manganese from 15 to 148 ppm, and available silica from 36 to 366 ppm. The iron and manganese are generally accumulated in a similar position (10 to 70cm. depth), and silica occurs in the same horizon with that of iron and manganese, or in the deeper horizons in the soil profile. The properties of each soil series extending from the sea shore towards the continental plains change with distance and they are related with distance (x) as follows: y(surface soil, clay content) = $$-0.2491x^2+6.0388x-1.1251$$ y(subsoil or subsurface soil, clay content) = $$-0.31646x^2+7.84818x-2.50008$$ y(surface soil, organic carbon content) = $$-0.0089x^2+0.2192x+0.1366$$ y(subsoil or subsurface soil, pH) = $$-0.0178x^2-0.04534x+8.3531$$ Soil profile development, soil color, depositional and organic layers, soil texture and soil reaction etc. are thought to be the major items that should be considered in a paddy soil classification. It was found that most of the soils belonging to the moderately well, somewhat poorly and poorly drained fine and medium textured soils and moderately deep fine textured soils over coarse materials, produce higher paddy yields in excess of 3,750 kg/ha. and most of the soils belonging to the coarse textured soils, well drained fine textured soils, moderately deep medium textured soils over coarse materials and saline soils, produce yields less than 3,750kg/ha. Soil texture of the profile, available soil depth, salinity and gleying of the surface and subsurface soils etc. seem to be the major factors determining rice yields, and these factors are considered when establishing suitability groups for paddy land. The great group, group, subgroup, family and series are proposed for the classification categories of paddy soils. The soil series is the basic category of the classification. The argillic horizon (Bt horizon) and cambic horizon (B horizon) are proposed as two diagnostic horizons of great group level for the determination of the morphological properties of soils in the classification. The specific soil characteristics considered in the group and subgroup levels are soil color of the profile (bluish gray, gray or yellowish brown), salinity (salic), depositonal (fluvic) and muck layers (mucky), and gleying of surface and subsurface soils (gleyic). The family levels are classified on the basis of soil reaction, soil texture and gravel content of the profile. The definitions are given on each classification category, diagnostic horizons and specific soil characteristics respectively. The soils on these plains are classified in eight subgroups and examined under the existing classification system. Further, the suitability group, can be divided into two major categories, suitability class and subclass. The soils within a suitability class are similar in potential productivity and limitation on use and management. Class 1 through 4 are distinguished from each other by combination of soil characteristics. Subclasses are divided from classes that have the same kind of dominant limitations such as slope(e), wettness(w), sandy(s), gravels(g), salinity(t) and non-gleying of the surface and subsurface soils(n). The above suitability classes and subclasses are examined, and the definitions are given. Seven subclasses are found on these plains for paddy soils. The classification and suitability group of 15 paddy soil series on the Gimje-Mangyeong plains may now be tabulated as follows.

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