• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.36
• /
• pp.301-332
• /
• 2009

The 16 century Yulgok had lived have been evaluated as the golden age of Seonglihak(性理學) in Korea. However, on the contrary, excessively desperate was the real social and political situation which Yulgok had descirbed. Therefore, eventhhough the Seonglihak centered-reseach is meaningful, this research had the limitation in analyzing the politics in those times. In studying Yulgok's thought, the established researches had focused on philosophic theory centered-orientation. However escaping from that orientation, in this essay I try to restructure Yulgok's enlivened political experience that he had worldly seen, felt, heard and performed in 16th's real politics. While the established researches had absorbed in Kyeonghak(經學, the interpretaion of Confucian Cannon), I try to restore Kyeongse(經世, governing and managing the state) based on Yulgok's worldly political experience. The major concept on which I have focused is Pye(弊, the abnoxious custiom in political and official sphere). Yulgok's offical life had begun with the problematic of how to overcome Pye inherited by Kwongan(權奸, a politically villainous retainer). In the process, he had focused on the worldly performable issue, Minsaeng(民生, the livelihood of the people), not on the abstract and theoritical concept, Min(民, the people). He recognized the cause of desperate situation had resulted from Pyebeob(弊法, the obnoxious law, its system and its execution), and tried to reform Pyebeob in the various way. The next concern of Yulgok came to Pyejeong(弊政, the obnoxious politics, its system and its execution), which interrupted not to reform Pyebeob. According to Yulgok, Pyejeong resulted from the wrong fulfilment of official-scholar elite in government, and the distorted public opinion in governemt. This fact demonstrates two elements mentioned above had common root of the absence of communication of public opinion. Yulgok recognized the importance of Ui(議, the discussion) than of Ron(論, the dabate) and then reviving Ui, Yulgok had tried to arrange the foundation for the communication of public opinion in political sphere.

• Korea Petroleum Association Journal
• /
• no.6 s.148
• /
• pp.99-101
• /
• 1993

이 자료들은 지난 5월 18일 프레스 센터 기자회견장(19층)에서 열린 율곡학회 주최 「율곡사상학술회의」에서 발표된 내용을 옮긴 것이다.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.42
• /
• pp.39-70
• /
• 2014

Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae Yoon Jeung either accepted Yulgok Neo-Confucianism as it was or modified it. In this study, his Neo-Confucianism was divided into acceptance and modification in Yulgok Neo-Confucianism and examined. In the acceptance of Yulgok Neo-Confucianism, it was clarified that Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae Yoon Jeung thoroughly inherited characteristics of Yulgok Neo-Confucianism, including 'Yiguijimyo', 'Yitongguiguk' and 'Guibalyiseungildo'. However, Myungjae was not just satisfied with inheriting Yulgok Neo-Confucianism as it was, but modified and inherited the theory of Yulgok by suggesting his own original preaching. There were three original preaching of his in overall; 'emphasis on the control of Li', 'argument method on a theory of gaining knowledge by the study of things', and 'perception on moral mind, human mind and human desire'. Ultimately, it is concluded that Myungjae modified, inherited and developed Yulgok Neo-Confucianism to adjust a theory of Neo-Confucianism in a position of 'Yiguijimyo', based on 'a theory of Guibalyiseungildo' of Yulgok as a Confucian scholar of Giho school. It is consistent with his life philosophy that he avoided speculative arguments on Neo-Confucianism and pursued solid study(實工) with solid mind(實心). It is also consistent with his view of learning that he believed that theories of ancient sages were already rich that we should read them and practice their true knowledge(眞知), and making an effort on writing regardless of them was not a study of Mushil(務實). However, due to his younger students, he was classified as a scholar who emphasized the control of 'Li' the most in Yulgok school, and a new academic tie of Giho Soron was created. It is the most important significance that Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae has in that of Giho.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.43
• /
• pp.33-53
• /
• 2014

It's the situation that modern technological civilization shakes the life environment fundamentally without a serious reflection on the dangers. The sense of crisis' brought the rise of modern Ecology in awareness of survivability of the humanity. Because the serious reflection is not just a campaign for environmental protection, but is to establish the values which is possible to coexist and to make harmony between the nature and man, man and man, and to form a healthy relationship through philosophical thought and practice has intrinsic value for human and nature. Under these circumstances, if Yulgok lives now and he is questioned by the ecological theorists of the 21st century that "What do you think about the serious environmental problem of present times?", what really would be his explanation? In the presentation methods of the explanation, will question first what contents western ecologists who study Theory of the environment in technology, Deep Ecology, and Social Ecology propose, then will compare and introduce what similarities and differences from theirs. As a result, we'll be found that Yulgok's thought, moral consciousness, about the nature and humanity as a confucian scholar.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.116
• /
• pp.313-350
• /
• 2010

This article studies criticism leveled at Yulgok scholarship by the Toegye School in the northern Gyungbuk region. The Toegye School (Yulgok School) was formed both by theoretical contention and constructive criticism with its counterparts. Accordingly, the main intellectual traits of the Toegye School may not be fully appreciated by inquiring into its theoretical structure and context only; rather, this study proposes that a sound understanding of the Toegye School must be accompanied simultaneously with an analysis on aspects of the altercation with the Yulgok School of the time. In this regard, this article primarily aims to shed light on the Toegye School's theoretical context through surveying the criticism leveled by the Toegye School in the northern Gyungbuk region, which hold steadfast adherents to the discipline among other regions, against the Yulgok scholarship. Embracing the Confucian ethic, the philosophical principles of the Toegye School based on autonomy of 'Li'(理), i.e. ethical objectivism, basically aimed at reaching the state of self-manifestation. Namely, the main objective of the Toegye School was to anchor the way how the school understood existential form and cause of the universe to an ethical foundation in a crystal clear way and, accordingly, this belief in which the Toegye School gave a priority to 'Li' rather than 'Gi'(氣) must have given an advantageous position in terms of theoretical clarity over its counterparts. Furthermore, the crux of the Confucian ethical world view in the Toegye School's modes of inquiry could berevealed by the Toegye's 'Libal(理發)-theory'. From this point of view, the fundamental criticism that could be waged by the Toegye School was against Yulgok scholarship's gross misconception of perceiving 'Gi' as 'Li.' Scholars and commentators in the Toegye School severely disapproved of the possibility of ethical objectivism of Yulgok scholarship.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.50
• /
• pp.9-36
• /
• 2016

This thesis aims to suggest probability of modern confrontation of Yulgok YiYi's thought. For this, find out the meaning of Li-Qi-Zhi-Miao(理氣之妙) and through the Qi-Fa-Li-Cheng-Yi-Tu(氣發理乘一途), and Li-Tong-Qi-Ju-Shou(理通 氣局說), Yin-Xim-Do-Xim-Shou(人心道心說), he creatively reveal the relation of Xin(心) Xing(性) Qing(情) Yi(意) continually. On one side he suggested the way of ideal man, on the other side he was showed adaptablity to the real world. So I think Yulgok had placed emphasis on the Zhongyong(中庸) and Yijing(周易), so he point out the meaning of ShiZhong (時中). Then he had high ideals practical Zhi-Zhonghe((致中和). So This paper is to find out his foundation of epistemology, and then to know It's modern meaning of methodology of moral Education's Implication on the relation of Xin(心) Xing(性) Qing(情) Yi(意). So We ca find out Ji(機) is very important the transition of Qi-Zhe(氣質).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.35
• /
• pp.189-222
• /
• 2012

This study aims to explore Yulgok Yi I(栗谷 李珥)'s political intention through his presenting Seonghakjibyo(The Essentials of the Studies of the Sages, 聖學輯要) to the King Seonjo(宣祖), paying attention to his political situation in early reign of the King. Until presenting the book to the King in December 1576(the 8th year of King Seonjo's reign), Yulgok had been neglected from the political development of the King. So his presenting Seonghakjibyo, which basically professed the perfection of the studies of the Sages(聖學), to the King included another aim to convert the King's negative view on him by synthesizing his political views and appealing to the King. Yulgok's political views are intensively summarized in the book's beginning "Jincha(進箚)" and the final chapter "Seonghyeondotong(聖賢道統)". Through "Jincha", he recalled the past of his political situation during early reign of the King and expressed his own will to participate in the government again by presenting this book that was the summary of his political views. Then through "Seonghyeondotong", he suggested his own specific political opinions to the King as the successor of Taotong(道統) in Chosun by expressing such an ethos that he succeeded directly to Chutzu(朱子). This study firstly tries to identify Toegye Yi Hwang(退溪 李滉)'s presenting Seonghaksibdo(The Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, 聖學十圖) to the King and Yulgok's successive will on it. Then we will review the times till presenting Seonghakjibyo to the King, 8 years of early reign of King Seonjo when he had been neglected from the political development of the King. Finally we will specifically analyze how his political views are expressed in each beginning and final chapter of the book.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.41
• /
• pp.93-127
• /
• 2014

Toegye and Yulgok both tried to obtain the extent of goodness from the emotion they feel in reality. Toegye thought the extent of goodness is being obtained by Li[理], Yulgok thought it by Chi[氣]. But Four Bases[四端] as goodness from Li[理] would possibly threat the human identity, and the emotion of appropriateness as goodness from Chi[氣] doesn't even prove itself that it is appropriate. They explain the problems and answers through Theory of Human Mind?Moral Mind. Toegye explains that Moral Mind is meaningful as it make people identify themselves as moral existence, Yulgok explains Moral Mind is meaningful that it satisfies standard of appropriateness. While Toegye and Yulgok define Moral Mind and Human Mind as emotion of Yi-fa[已發], Chutzu defines Moral Mind and Human Mind as consciousness. and he defines consciousness as 'preparing Li(理) and practicing the emotion'. So according to Chutzu, Moral Mind and Human Mind derives the reaction from the Li(理) in order to respond to the external stimulation. Supervision of mind is completed by consciousness of Moral Mind. It means that mind not limited to Yi-fa[已發]. Then we should think that Toegye and Yulgok's Theory of Human Mind?Moral Mind is something newly resulted from their own philosophic problem. Toegye and Yulgok's Theory of Human Mind?Moral Mind is commonly explaining human mind in experiential aspect, and it will be esteemed as definite and realistic theory of Mind because it emphasizes willingness which motivates an essential activity.

• Korea Petroleum Association Journal
• /
• no.6 s.148
• /
• pp.102-103
• /
• 1993

• Korea Petroleum Association Journal
• /
• no.6 s.148
• /
• pp.104-110
• /
• 1993