• International Area Studies Review
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.25-47
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• 2011

The paper will investigate the chances of progress in the peace process in Middle East. Robert Hazo's 1993 article mainly argued the Palestinians and Syrian problems. He saw that these two problems are one of the key issue that current Middle East problem which involves Israel. The key tenants of his argument will be dissected to assess whether this view holds true in the light of developments in the Middle East in the intervening years. The Arab-Israeli struggle remains one of the most intractable in history. In 1993 Robert Hazo concluded that 'the conflict is a terminal struggle'. This paper investigates his analysis in light of progress or lack of in the intervening period and against the contemporary strategic environment. It uses information presented in academic, government, newspaper and world wide web articles to conclude that Hazo's assessment remains valid. While the various talks since 1993 combined with the potential benefits the United States, Israel and Syria could gain from a settlement proffer hope, the issue of 'right of return, borders and Jerusalem are unlikely to be bridged in the near future.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.151-182
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• 2019

Rise of China has correspondingly seen increased Chinese involvement at global stage and regional levels in different parts of the world. This has attracted claims of strategic competition and rivalry between China and U.S., as China is said to be working towards replacing hitherto U.S. influence. Consequently there have been calls for U.S. to counter increased Chinese involvement to safeguard U.S. influences and interests. This study aims to contribute to this debate by examining the extent to which increased Chinese involvement in Africa has, if any, supplanted U.S. strategic interests in the continent. The study contends that, Chinese involvement in Africa has entailed China creating own niche that does not necessary threaten U.S. interests in the continent as widely portrayed and imagined. This is premised on the fact that, U.S. has historically had relatively minimal strategic interests in Africa as compared to other more strategic parts of the world that China could significantly threaten. Seen in this way, increased Chinese penetration in Africa has not had immediate threats to U.S. core strategic interests, thus explaining U.S. measured response to counter Chinese presence in Africa.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.43 no.6
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• pp.113-138
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• 2018

The purpose of this research is to analyze how the Chinese cosmetics certification system works as a Non-Tariff Barriers(NTBs) for Korean exporting companies to access the Chinese market. China is the largest market for Korea's cosmetic exports, but China's policy of protecting domestic industry has become a barrier to Korea's cosmetics exports to China. Therefore, this research, through the analysis of regulations of the Chinese certification system for imported cosmetics. revealed that there are such problems as ① information leakage ② duplication of inspection ③time delay. In order to verify those problems, surveys and face-to-face interviews with Korean cosmetic exporting companies to China have been conducted. In conclusion, Chinese cosmetics certification system not only protects its own industry, but also serves as a NTBs to disturb the access of imported cosmetics to the Chinese market in order to foster Chinese cosmetic industry.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.141-177
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• 2019

This paper explains cross-national variation of CPI(corruption perception index) centering on legal culture. By critically reviewing previous researches on effects of British common law system on corruption, we define legal culture as citizens' perception of their legal system. Specifically, measuring legal culture with respect to courts fairness and courts accessibility, we test two hypotheses on effects of legal culture on corruption. A cross-national comparison of 78 countries with OLS regression analyses reveals that courts fairness tends to lower the level of corruption while courts accessibility does not have a significant effect on corruption. Based on this result, we suggest policy implications for judicial reform as well as anti-corruption measure, which puts more emphasis on reforming legal practice that hinders courts fairness than increasing legal service supply. In addition, as the essence of legal culture lies in citizens' shared perception of the legal system, we argue that a broad and solid citizens' consciousness of fair and equitable legal procedures is indispensable in preventing corruption.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Information and Commucation Sciences Conference
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• 2001.10a
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• pp.183-186
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• 2001

For a long time, the ocean was regarded as unknown area ruled by god, consequently, not so much things were developed in scientific methods and activities. Despite a rapid development of geographic information systems(GIS) marine and ocean fields still remained in the scope of traditional tools and intuitive experiences by the late of 1990. However, land based concepts and technology models require additional customization to apply GIS effectively in marine domains, which are resulted from her dynamic, complex and seamless massive nature. This paper gives a brief review of marine spatial data characteristics and also presents strategic approaches to meet the unique marine GIS requirements.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2018.05a
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• pp.84-84
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• 2018

본 연구는 두만강 유역국가(북한, 중국, 러시아) 및 인접국가(한국, 몽골, 일본) 간의 협력과정과 현안을 1991년부터 현재까지 광역두만강개발계획(Greater Tumen Initiative: GTI)을 통해 검토함으로써 동아시아에서 지역개발계획을 통한 공동의 이익창출과 공유가능성을 짚어보고 정책적 시사점을 찾고자 한다. 분석이론으로 이익공유(Benefit Sharing)이론을 적용하여 국제하천에서 한 유역국가가 독단적인 계획과 사업을 통하여 얻는 이익보다 모든 유역국가의 참여를 바탕으로 추진하는 지역개발을 통한 이익이 더 크다는 점을 확인하고자 한다. 두만강 유역은 1991년 UNDP 주도 하에 두만강지역개발프로그램(Tumen River Area Development Program: TRADP)을 시작으로 지역개발협력이 진행되어 2005년 광역두만강개발계획으로 발전되었으나 2009년 북한의 GTI 탈퇴, 리더쉽 부재, 재원부족 등으로 현재 답보 상태에 빠져있는 실정이다. 그럼에도 불구하고 프로그램 진행 과정 속에서 회원국 간의 공통 관심사항을 도출하고 직간접적으로 동아시아 평화안보 구축에 도움을 주었으며 교통, 물류, 에너지, 관광 및 환경 관련 사업을 추진하여 동아시아 공동 지역개발의 단초를 마련하는 성과를 거두었다. 아직 풀어가야 할 숙제가 많지만 GTI는 2014년 이후 본격으로 추진하고 있는 국제기구로의 전환을 통해 새로운 전기를 마련하고자 노력하고 있다. 또한 GTI는 북한 핵무기 개발과 미사일 발사 등으로 경직되어있는 동북아 상황을 완화하고 현 정부의 신북방정책의 발전을 위한 교두보 역할을 할 수 있을 것이며 역내 국가 간 협력을 지속적으로 추진할 수 있는 밑바탕이 될 수 있을 것이다.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.145-171
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• 2018

Laos' 2017 is a year of political "stagnation" and economic "change". In the political arena, despite the achievements such as the improvement of the corruption perception index (CPI), it is necessary to watch the progress of the reform. Diplomatically, the influence of China is expected to increase further. In particular, since November 2017, Xi Jinping's visit to Laos is expected to strengthen the framework of cooperation between the economic corridor and Lanchang-Mekong Cooperation Meeting. And Laos continued to have friendly relations with other neighboring countries, the ASEAN countries. However, the issue of the Laos-Cambodian border issue following the general election in Cambodia may recur. The economic sector maintained a high growth rate due to capital inflows from the construction of large infrastructures and the favorable tourism industry, but structural problems such as deficits in the fiscal and current account should be resolved. Korea and Laos discussed the comprehensive cooperation between the two countries through the Mekong Senior Officials' Meeting in March 2017 and the Ministerial Meeting of the Korean-Lao Foreign Minister in September 2017. Laos is Korea's eighth ODA aid (grant), and ODA will become an important diplomatic cooperation channel between the two countries in the future. In the economic relationship, the trade sector is on a declining trend, but investment and human exchanges are steadily increasing.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Navigation and Port Research Conference
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• 2018.05a
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• pp.122-125
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• 2018

조선은 개국 이후 일본과의 교린정책을 위해 막부의 요청에 따라 총 20차례 통신사를 파견하였다. 그 동안 우리 학계에서는 통신사행과 관련한 제도와 문학, 문화교류, 통신사선의 건조, 상호간의 인식, 외교와 의례, 영접 등을 중심으로 연구가 이루어져 왔고, 통신사행의 이동경로인 항로와 항해에 대해서는 상대적으로 연구가 미진하였다. 본 연구는 임란 후 1607년부터 1763년까지 일본에 파견된 12차례 통신사행의 해상항로와 항해에 대해 현지답사와 사료를 중심으로 분석한 것이다. 이 연구는 통신사선의 항로와 항해에 대한 최초의 학술연구로서 통신사행에 대한 연구의 질과 폭을 넓히는 계기가 될 것이고, 해양사적으로는 한선의 항해술을 이해하는 단초가 될 것이다. 그러나 항해의 실체에 대해서는 통신사선의 사공과 격군이 남긴 사료가 전무하여 구체적으로 밝히는 데는 한계가 있었다. 이는 차후 연구를 통해 보완할 필요가 있다.

• American Studies
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.35-65
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• 2021

U.S. lawmakers tend to organize sub-party groups focusing on regions, ideologies, policies, and foreign affairs. Examples include the conservative Freedom Caucus loyal to Trump and the Congressional Black Caucus promoting the interests of African Americans. Then how do these legislative groups affect the making of U.S. foreign policy? Paying special attention to the Korea caucus in U.S. Congress, we have analyzed the sources and processes of congressional caucus and foreign policy and have learned that structures and activities of the caucuses differ from one another. The Korea caucus seems to be a bipartisan group that focuses on issues such as trade, travel, and troubles provoked by Pyongyang. However, the Korea caucus is not really a solid voting bloc for policy alternatives; it is instead more of a constituency-oriented legislative group that prioritizes local interests. This research underscores the need for systematic and comprehensive study of U.S. legislative politics and foreign policy.

• Journal of Digital Contents Society
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.1145-1150
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• 2018

In order to realize the new diplomatic development for the establishment of 'Asia Fate Community', Xi Jinping has adopted a "One Road, One Belt" policy. Based on five core philosophies, One Road, One Belt with neighboring countries has been established to full-sided cooperation and mutual benefit relations. In this paper, I would like to suggest some suggestions on how to use China's One Road, One Belt policy and Korea's Eurasian Initiative in Development strategy of tourism contents. First, The bridge role of Korean companies should lead to the development of tourism contents. Second, the promotion of tourism contents development for Chinese individual tourists should lead to another tourism contents. Third, we need to find ways to win joint orders with local companies in China so that they can lead to tourism contents. Fourth, seeking active use of workers and international students living in Korea. Fifth, the development of tourism contents based on cooperative relationship with North Korea.