• Title/Summary/Keyword: 연구관리 규정

Search Result 1,308, Processing Time 0.023 seconds

A Review on the Legal System for Natural Environment Conservation and Protected Areas Status in DPRK (북한의 자연환경 보전 법제 및 보호지역 현황 고찰)

  • Heo, Hag Young;Yu, Byeong-hyeok
    • Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
    • /
    • v.35 no.1
    • /
    • pp.81-91
    • /
    • 2021
  • The Democratic People's Republic of Korea did not have direct legislation on natural environmental conservation until the early 1970s when the regime was still in the early stage. The Law on Land was enacted in 1977 to provide the legal basis for protecting the natural environment, including land protection, protection zones, and forest formation and protection. The enactment of the Law on Environmental Protection in 1986 made progress on environmental conservation in the DPRK. The constitutional amendment in 1992 stipulated "the preservation and creation of the natural environment as the responsibility of the state." Based on the Framework Law on Environmental Protection, subordinate statutes in various fields were enacted after the1990s. While the committee designated and managed the protected zones in the early days, the Framework Law on Environmental Protection established the ground for the designation of legally protected areas, and the Law on Protection of Scenic Spots and Natural Monuments enacted in 1995, and the Law on Environmental Protection enacted in 2009 provided the details. Furthermore, the types of nature reserves include biosphere reserves, primeval forest reserves, animal reserves, plant reserves, and scenic reserves. The 2nd National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan established in 2007 based on the Convention on Biological Diversity(CBD) stated 326 protected zones in the DPRK. However, the 2018 United Nations list of Protected Areas shows only 31 registered zones, indicating the need to establish basic information on protected areas in DPRK. This study can provide basic information for a better understanding of the nature conservation system in the DPRK. Considering that environmental protection activities such as protection of endangered species and recovery of environmental pollution are subject to exceptions under the current sanctions against North Korea (UN Security Council, the United States), it will be possible to contribute to identifying possible inter-Korean cooperation projects in the field of the natural environment.

Significance and Limitation of the Guiding Principles for the Preparation of Nominations Concerning Sites of Memory Associated with Recent Conflicts (최근 갈등과 관련된 기억유산의 등재 준비를 위한 지침원칙의 의의와 한계)

  • HEO Sujin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.57 no.3
    • /
    • pp.162-182
    • /
    • 2024
  • Since the adoption of the World Heritage Convention, sites associated with dark histories have been inscribed as World Heritage sites over the past fifty years. However, in 2018, the review of nomination dossiers for these sites was temporarily suspended to prevent additional discomfort or the conflicts these inscriptions might cause. Despite concerns raised by experts about nominations of these sites, the increasing demands from State Parties led to the adoption of the Guiding Principles for the Preparation of Nominations Concerning Sites of Memory Associated with Recent Conflicts. These Guiding Principles have made it possible to inscribe such sites as World Heritage sites. The Guiding Principles play a crucial role in outlining the nature and criteria for inscription, the components required in the nomination dossier, and mechanisms for notifying a contestation in cases of differing interpretations of the site. Their primary aim is to minimize further conflicts that may arise from the inscription of sites of memory. They affirm that such sites can contribute to achieving the objectives of the World Heritage Convention and represent a significant step in addressing heritage interpretation in the World Heritage system. The amendment of the Operational Guidelines to incorporate a contestation mechanism has arguably established a more transparent and open inscription process. However, the Guiding Principles also have limitations. Among the ten criteria set by the World Heritage Convention, sites related to conflicts or dark histories can use Criterion (vi). This criterion focuses on the site's outstanding universal value linked to historical events or associations, regardless of physical evidence. If a State Party chooses not to use Criterion (vi), the application of the Guiding Principles cannot be expected. Furthermore, while the Guiding Principles require a heritage interpretation strategy in the nomination dossier, the lack of detailed guidance may confuse nominating countries. Sites of memory associated with recent conflicts are not just places that need protection and remembrance due to their association with dark histories. They have also evolved to become spaces for reconciliation and healing. The inscription of these sites as World Heritage sites is not just a recognition of their historical significance, but also a platform for discussing the impact of past conflicts on modern society. It opens up a dialogue on how current generations can address these issues. With the adoption of the Guiding Principles, we hope that inscribed sites will not only promote reconciliation and healing but also serve as a starting point for addressing present and future challenges.

Characteristics of Manure and Estimation of Nutrient and Pollutant of Holstein Dairy Cattle (홀스타인 젖소 분뇨의 특성과 비료성분 및 오염물질 부하량 추정)

  • Choi, D.Y.;Choi, H.L.;Kwag, J.H.;Kim, J.H.;Choi, H.C.;Kwon, D.J.;Kang, H.S.;Yang, C.B.;Ahn, H.K.
    • Journal of Animal Science and Technology
    • /
    • v.49 no.1
    • /
    • pp.137-146
    • /
    • 2007
  • This study was conducted to determine fertilizer nutrient and pollutant production of Holstein dairy cattle by estimating manure characteristics. The moisture content of feces was 83.9% and 95.1% for urine. The pH of feces and urine were in the ranges of 7.0~7.4 and 7.5~7.8, respectively. The average BOD5, COD, SS, T-N, T-P concentrations of the dairy feces were 18,294, 52,765, 102,889, 2,575, and 457mg/ℓ, respectively. Dairy urine showed lower levels of BOD5(5,455mg/ℓ), COD(8,089mg/ℓ), SS(593mg/ℓ), T-N(3,401mg/l), and T-P(13mg/ℓ) than feces. The total daily produced pollutant amounts of a dairy cow were 924.1g(Milking cow), 538.8g(Dry cow), 284.4g(Heifer) of BOD5, 2,336.5g (Milking cow), 1,651.8g(Dry cow), 734.1g(Heifer) of COD and 4,210.1g(Milking cow), 2,417.1g(Dry cow), 1,629.1g(Heifer) of SS and 194.8g(Milking cow), 96.4g(Dry cow), 58.3g(Heifer) of T-N and 24.0g(Milking cow), 10.2g(Dry cow), 6.1g(Heifer) of T-P. The calculated amount of pollutants produced by a 450kg dairy cow for one year were 181.3kg of BOD5, 492.5kg of COD, 899.9kg of SS, 36.0kg of T-N and 4.1kg of T-P. The total yearly estimated pollutant production from all head(497,261) of dairy cattle in Korea is 90,149 tons of BOD5, 244,890 tons of COD, 447,491 tons of SS, 17,898 tons of T-N and 2,008 tons of T-P. The fertilizer nutrient concentrations of dairy feces was 0.26% N, 0.1% P2O5 and 0.14% K2O. Urine was found to contain 0.34% N, 0.003% of P2O5 and 0.31% K2O. The total daily fertilizer nutrients produced by dairy cattle were 197.4g (Milking cow), 97.4g(Dry cow), and 57.9g(Heifer) of Nitrogen, 54.2g(Milking cow), 22.2g(Dry cow), and 14.2g(Heifer) of P2O5 and 110.8g(Milking cow), 80.4g (Dry cow), and 39.5g(Heifer) of K2O. The total yearly estimated fertilizer nutrient produced by a 450kg dairy animal is 36.2kg of N, 8.8kg of P2O5, 24.6kg of K2O. The estimated yearly fertilizer nutrient production from all dairy cattle in Korea is 18,000 tons of N, 4,397 tons of P2O5, 12,206 tons of K2O. Dairy manure contains useful trace minerals for crops, such as CaO and MgO, which are contained in similar levels to commercial compost being sold in the domestic market. Concentrations of harmful trace minerals, such as As, Cd, Hg, Pb, Cr, Cu, Ni, Zn, met the Korea compost standard regulations, with some of these minerals being in undetected amounts.

Development of a Simultaneous Analytical Method for Determination of Insecticide Broflanilide and Its Metabolite Residues in Agricultural Products Using LC-MS/MS (LC-MS/MS를 이용한 농산물 중 살충제 Broflanilide 및 대사물질 동시시험법 개발)

  • Park, Ji-Su;Do, Jung-Ah;Lee, Han Sol;Park, Shin-min;Cho, Sung Min;Kim, Ji-Young;Shin, Hye-Sun;Jang, Dong Eun;Jung, Yong-hyun;Lee, Kangbong
    • Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
    • /
    • v.34 no.2
    • /
    • pp.124-134
    • /
    • 2019
  • An analytical method was developed for the determination of broflanilide and its metabolites in agricultural products. Sample preparation was conducted using the QuEChERS (Quick, Easy, Cheap, Effective, Rugged and Safe) method and LC-MS/MS (liquid chromatograph-tandem mass spectrometer). The analytes were extracted with acetonitrile and cleaned up using d-SPE (dispersive solid phase extraction) sorbents such as anhydrous magnesium sulfate, primary secondary amine (PSA) and octadecyl ($C_{18}$). The limit of detection (LOD) and quantification (LOQ) were 0.004 and 0.01 mg/kg, respectively. The recovery results for broflanilide, DM-8007 and S(PFP-OH)-8007 ranged between 90.7 to 113.7%, 88.2 to 109.7% and 79.8 to 97.8% at different concentration levels (LOQ, 10LOQ, 50LOQ) with relative standard deviation (RSD) less than 8.8%. The inter-laboratory study recovery results for broflanilide and DM-8007 and S (PFP-OH)-8007 ranged between 86.3 to 109.1%, 87.8 to 109.7% and 78.8 to 102.1%, and RSD values were also below 21%. All values were consistent with the criteria ranges requested in the Codex guidelines (CAC/GL 40-1993, 2003) and the Food and Drug Safety Evaluation guidelines (2016). Therefore, the proposed analytical method was accurate, effective and sensitive for broflanilide determination in agricultural commodities.

Performance of Korean State-owned Enterprises Following Executive Turnover and Executive Resignation During the Term of Office (공기업의 임원교체와 중도퇴임이 경영성과에 미치는 영향)

  • Yu, Seungwon;Kim, Suhee
    • KDI Journal of Economic Policy
    • /
    • v.34 no.3
    • /
    • pp.95-131
    • /
    • 2012
  • This study examines whether the executive turnover and the executive resignation during the term of office affect the performance of Korean state-owned enterprises. The executive turnover in the paper means the comprehensive change of the executives which includes the change after the term of office, the change after consecutive terms and the change during the term of office. The 'resignation' was named for the executive change during the term of office to distinguish from the executive turnover. The study scope of the paper is restrained to the comprehensive executive change itself irrespective of the term of office and the resignation during the term of office. Therefore the natural change of the executive after the term of office or the change after consecutive terms is not included in the study. Spontaneous resignation and forced resignation are not distinguished in the paper as the distinction between the two is not easy. The paper uses both the margin of return on asset and the margin of return on asset adjusted by industry as proxies of the performance of state-owned enterprises. The business nature of state-owned enterprise is considered in the study, the public nature not in it. The paper uses the five year (2004 to 2008) samples of 24 firms designated as public enterprises by Korean government. The analysis results are as follows. First, 45.1% of CEOs were changed a year during the sample period on the average. The average tenure period of CEOs was 2 years and 3 months and 49.9% among the changed CEOs resigned during the term of office. 41.6% of internal auditors were changed a year on the average. The average tenure period of internal auditors was 2 years and 2 months and 51.0% among the changed internal auditors resigned during the term of office. In case of outside directors, on average, 38.2% were changed a year. The average tenure period was 2 years and 7 months and 25.4% among the changed internal directors resigned during the term of office. These statistics show that numerous CEOs resigned before the finish of the three year term in office. Also, considering the tenure of an internal auditor and an outside director which diminished from 3 years to 2 years by an Act on the Management of Public Institutions (applied to the executives appointed since April 2007), it seems most internal auditors resigned during the term of office but most outside directors resigned after the end of the term. Secondly, There was no evidence that the executives were changed during the term of office because of the bad performance of prior year. On the other hand, contrary to the normal expectation, the performance of prior year of the state-owned enterprise where an outside director resigned during the term of office was significantly higher than that of other state-owned enterprises. It means that the clauses in related laws on the executive dismissal on grounds of bad performance did not work normally. Instead it can be said that the executive change was made by non-economic reasons such as a political motivation. Thirdly, the results from a fixed effect model show there were evidences that performance turned negatively when CEOs or outside directors resigned during the term of office. CEO's resignation during the term of office gave a significantly negative effect on the margin of return on asset. Outside director's resignation during the term of office lowered significantly the margin of return on asset adjusted by industry. These results suggest that the executive's change in Korean state-owned enterprises was not made by objective or economic standards such as management performance assessment and the negative effect on performance of the enterprises was had by the unfaithful obeyance of the legal executive term.

  • PDF

Assessment of Organic Compound and Bioassay in Soil Using Pharmaceutical Byproduct and Cosmetic Industry Wastewater Sludge as Raw Materials of Compost (제약업종 부산물 및 화장품 제조업 폐수처리오니 처리토양에 대한 유기화합물 및 Bioassay 분석 평가)

  • Lim, Dong-Kyu;Lee, Sang-Beom;Lee, Seung-Hwan;Nam, Jae-Jak;Na, Young-Eun;Kwon, Jang-Sik;Kwon, Soon-Ik;So, Kyu-Ho
    • Korean Journal of Environmental Agriculture
    • /
    • v.23 no.4
    • /
    • pp.203-210
    • /
    • 2004
  • This study was conducted to assessment organic compound and bioassay (density of inhabited animal, fluctuation of predominant fungi, and survival ratio of earthworm) for finding damage on red pepper by heavily amount application of sludges in soil, which was treated with 3 pharmaceutical byproducts and a cosmetic industry wastewater sludge as raw materials of compost, and for establishing estimation method. HEM contents in the soil treated with pharmaceutical byproducts sludge2 (PS2) and cosmetic sludge (CS) were 0.51, 1.10 mg/kg respectively. PAHs content of PS2 treatment in the soil was 3406.8 ug/kg on July 8. In abundance of soil faunas, the pharmaceutical byproducts sludge2 treatment was the most highest. The next was decreased in the order of pig manure (PM) and the cosmetic sludge treatment. However the other pharmaceutical sludge treatments were remarkably reduced populations of soil inhabited animals. In upland soil treated with organic sludges, the numbers of bacteria and fungi of the pharmaceutical sludge treatment were 736, 909 cfu/g and those of the cosmetic sludge treatment were 440, 236 cfu/g, respectively. The pharmaceutical sludge treatments and the cosmetic sludge treatment in identification of predominant bacteria were not any tendency to compare with non fertilizer and pig manure treatments, but they had diverse bacteria than NPK treatment. In microcosm tests, the survival of the tiger earthworm in five soil samples was hardly affected against the soil of PSI (20%) after three months treated in the upland But after six months, survival of PS1 was 80%. At present, raw material of compost was authorized by contents of organic matter, heavy metal (8 elements), and product processing according to 'The specified gist on possible materials of using after analysis and investigation among raw materials of compost', however, for preparing to change regulation of raw material of compost and for considering to possibility of application, this study was conducted to investigate toxic organic compound and bioassay methods using inhabited animal, fungi, and earthworm without current regulation.

Development of Analytical Method for Detection of Fungicide Validamycin A Residues in Agricultural Products Using LC-MS/MS (LC-MS/MS를 이용한 농산물 중 살균제 Validamycin A의 시험법 개발)

  • Park, Ji-Su;Do, Jung-Ah;Lee, Han Sol;Park, Shin-min;Cho, Sung Min;Shin, Hye-Sun;Jang, Dong Eun;Cho, Myong-Shik;Jung, Yong-hyun;Lee, Kangbong
    • Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
    • /
    • v.34 no.1
    • /
    • pp.22-29
    • /
    • 2019
  • Validamycin A is an aminoglycoside fungicide produced by Streptomyces hygroscopicus that inhibits trehalase. The purpose of this study was to develop a method for detecting validamycin A in agricultural samples to establish MRL values for use in Korea. The validamycin A residues in samples were extracted using methanol/water (50/50, v/v) and purified with a hydrophilic-lipophilic balance (HLB) cartridges. The analyte was quantified and confirmed by liquid chromatograph-tandem mass spectrometer (LC-MS/MS) in positive ion mode using multiple reaction monitoring (MRM). Matrix-matched calibration curves were linear over the calibration ranges (0.005~0.5 ng) into a blank extract with $R^2$ > 0.99. The limits of detection and quantification were 0.005 and 0.01 mg/kg, respectively. For validation validamycin A, recovery studies were carried out three different concentration levels (LOQ, $LOQ{\times}10$, $LOQ{\times}50$, n = 5) with five replicates at each level. The average recovery range was from 72.5~118.3%, with relative standard deviation (RSD) less than 10.3%. All values were consistent with the criteria ranges requested in the Codex guidelines (CAC/GL 40-1993, 2003) and the NIFDS (National Institute of Food and Drug Safety) guideline (2016). Therefore, the proposed analytical method is accurate, effective and sensitive for validamycin A determination in agricultural commodities.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
    • /
    • v.22 no.1
    • /
    • pp.19-48
    • /
    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

  • PDF