• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.70
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• pp.66-94
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• 2015

Postcolonialism, as a school of thought, has become enormously influential for understanding the recent phenomena of globalization. While rejecting the universalizing categories of the Enlightenment, postcolonialism has called into question the old idea of culture and identity as a transcendent regime of authenticity and purity. It has also celebrated the diasporic experiences that entail porous and hybrid cultural identities as a potential site of struggle and resistance against the dominant cultural and discursive order. It is argued, however, that postcolonial theory's emancipatory claims relating to the diversified global culture tend to be complicit with transnational capitalism that brings about global issues of material as well as cultural injustice. This article, through a thorough review of the ways the postcolonial theoretical framework has been developed and appropriated by main figures in postcolonial scholarship, seeks for a theoretical and critical strategy to grasp the complex conditions of global inequality.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.59
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• pp.162-179
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to find a way to revive newspaper industry against digital new media revolution such as the internet, SNS(Social Network Service). To this end, indepth-interviews were conducted with the target incumbent senior reporters. The research areas are consisted of four subjects. For instance Awareness about the newspaper business crisis, the need for profitable business, potential conflicts of journalism and business, and desirable business. As a result of my research, executive reporters said that There is no management strategy Against the rapid expansion of social media and Therefore Business diversification is required. In short, They said that alternative business model should be developed, in which public and business interest are commonly respected, such as Information & Culture (internet, broadcasting, film, game, music), play, exhibition, publishing, and education.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.46
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• pp.449-484
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• 2009

It has been said that Gwangjudream, nevertheless a free press, plays a role as a local press that it should be, in a situation that other local papers do not. This study aims to reveal the forces that influence the article production of Gwangjudream, and to examine the interrelations between them, through using the methods of participant observations and depth interviews. In this course, it is eventually purpose of providing more deep understandings on the present circumstances and problems of the local papers and having a chance to concern the concrete ways to enhance them. This study results in revealing the five forces that primarily influence the article production of Gwangjudream: 1) as a historical force, keeping the spirit of the first publication that look forward to playing a role as a local press that it sound be, 2) as an individual force, the habitus of its members that is critical of mainstream society and culture, 3) as an organizational force, non-hierarchical culture and the independence of the editorial rights, 4) as a habitual force, the deny of beat system, 5) as an economical force, the power of sponsors, financial poorness, and the competition for attracting subscribers. While the historical force and the individual force play a role as fundamental circumstances and the organizational force and the habitual force as practical circumstances for producing articles, they encourage to emerge the characteristics of the articles that are related to citizens' everyday life and reflect locality, and criticize and keep an eye on government and other public offices. However, the economical force provides the circumstances that weaken the characteristics of Gwangjudream. The results of this study question the perspective to overly regard it as coming from their economical weakness that the local newspaper do not play a role as a local press that it should be.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.9-35
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• 2016

This research focuses on how political talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun provoke strong, negative emotions, such as anger or loathing, towards certain parties, politicians and groups only, and tries to explain what's the relation to Korean democracy crisis under the circumstances. Those talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun, predominantly about anger and loathing towards oppositions, opposition politicians and pro-North Korea people, have contributed to practical exclusion of the citizens from the political process by their imaginary political participation rather than a role as a democratic public sphere, so they have functioned very well in order to sustain the system of Korean democracy as a way of 'the politics of exclusion', and have been retained regardless of their commercial success for the reason. In other words, the Korean democracy has systematically excluded every citizen and amplified ideological conflicts, and in that chaos of excessively produced emotions, has dealt with all the crucial matters using political technology, which is a serious problem. However, for the good of the political power who wants to keep such kind of political system, this became a reason why those Channel A and TV Chosun shows-sensational and politically biased-have survived, and since Channel A and TV Chosun are remarkably functional within the continuance of that political system they can keep being influential in politics.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.39
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• pp.250-283
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• 2007

The Shinmoongo (Shinmoon-drum) system is known as the last means of petition, appeal, and, denunciation during the Chosun dynasty. The purpose of this study is first to examine the system's origin and changes of its function and operation. The study further looks at several issues around the striking gong system, an alternative appealing method, and its background and transition. Introduced by King Taejong, the Shinmoongo was a kind of the press (or communication) system which was intended to deliver various cases of personal appeal, social petition, national denunciation, etc. Since the 2nd year of King Sejong, the system had been changed into the legal system which mainly to settle personal mortifying problem. Originally, the system was institutionalized for the common people who were hard to appeal their mortifying affairs to the supervisory administration. This reporting system to a superior was utilized as an institutional device to remedy abuses from 'complaint to the King near his sedan chair' and 'direct complaint out of order' during the early disordered years of Chosun dynasty. The system was often abused for the devices of private interest by illustrious officials. Meanwhile, it carried out a role of checking power abuses of provincial governors and magistrates. There were many obstacles for the common people and lowly people to turn to the means. The drum was located at the palace of capitol, less accessible for most people at the time. The petition had to be processed through several steps in written forms. The punishment on a false drummer was heavy. It inhibited any appeal concerning the superior under the rigorous caste system. The Shinmoongo system is regarded as a legitimate press system. Also, it is taken as informal or semi-official press system such as 'document to send around', 'document for agitation', 'joint petition', 'striking gong to complain', 'complaint to the King near his sedan chair', 'scream to complain', etc. Connecting together, the tools resulted in the increase of regal power and decrease of divine authority.

• 한국과학기술학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2015.12a
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• pp.247-278
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• 2015

Recently, as DNR prevails more and more in Korea, discussions regarding meaningless medical life-sustaining-treatment (LST) intensified. Some of the Supreme Court decisions are even discussed in mass media, causing public debates. These cases tell us that, as life-sustaining medical technologies are highly developed, more sociological and policy-related analyses are needed on them. Firstly, this study will review 40 previous studies that analyze recent discussions in Korea about LST. Secondly, this study also shows that in bioethical and policy-related perspectives, governance about LST calls for a new implications regarding thanatoethics and thanatopolitics. In this new theoretical framework, death with dignity (DwD) can be understood as a process of giving back the thanatopower to the subject who chooses his way of ending based on his sound and free will. Thirdly, some of the new LST or resuscitation technologies such as automated external defibrillators (AED) are developed in RRI framework. However, if subjects themselves choose not to apply those technologies on them, as in the case of DNR (do not resuscitate) vows, meaning of developing such technologies are to be questioned. But currently such questions regarding the limitations of RRI are seldom asked. I argue that in order to properly apply RRI framework on existing technology, we also need to consider these points.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.85-92
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• 2022

In order to identify the factors and problems in which military sexual violence is a continuous and repeated blind spot, this study conducted a content analysis focusing on articles of military sexual violence incidents covered in Internet news from January 2010 to June 15, 2021. carried out. As a result of the study, structurally unequal power relations, authoritarian and closed military organizational culture, internal military response system that is distrustful of passive responses to sexual violence, and enveloping family-friendly investigations and tolerant punishment of perpetrators are blind spots despite the Ministry of National Defense's efforts to improve. factors that exist. Underlying this, the compensatory spirit caused by the conscription system and the negative effects of the patriarchal system are embodied in the national sentiment, suggesting that the sense of crisis of division and an overly permissive attitude toward the military act as a factor that slows change. As an improvement plan according to the results, it is necessary to entail the establishment of a civilian-centered judicial institution, strong punishment of perpetrators, and limited pension payment, as well as honorable punishment such as 'class demotion' in the military culture with a clear hierarchical relationship. Taken together, we can see that most military sexual violence is caused by a hierarchy, and it strongly suggests that the main cause of sexual violence is unequal power relations.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.50-72
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• 2010

The purpose of this study was to investigate representation of media on Korean controversial historical incidents and its myth and ideology. Especially the authors paid attention to the MBC-TV Documentary which had dealt with many controversial issues in Korean society. Those issues had never been dealt by other Korean media before it began to do. Three episodes about the South-North Korea related issues were selected as main object of this study and were analyzed with various semiotic research methods, especially, paradigmatic analytical method, narrative analytic method and mythical analytic method. As a main result of this study, it was found that the Documentary tended to represent such controversial historical issues very differently from the previous representations of old newspapers'. Th e old newspapers tried to establish old myths; that is, 'myth of national crisis', 'myth of anti-communism', 'myth of scapegoat of college students', 'myth of intelligent agency's monopoly', 'myth of social stablization', etc, while the documentary changed to build up new myths; that is, 'myth of humanities', 'myth of peaceful unification', 'myth of freedom and democracy', 'myth of human rights, etc.' In short, it was concluded that the documentary was able to change some previous myths and ideologies through its changing representations.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.73-107
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• 2016

The general programming channels, newly introduced around the beginning of the 2010s, have grown into powerful journalistic agencies, the far-reaching social influences of which are not confined by the economic effects within the South Korean media industry. They are now rendered to become part of major socio-political institutions that try to secure their privileges based on broadcast journalism, and to widen their business opportunities through those special kind of social practices. This research has taken a path of theoretical endeavour to devise a conceptual framework that will effectively lead to a series of academic investigation into the socio-political characteristics of general programming channels. To this end, specific attention is paid to such theoretical and conceptual resources as the instrumentalization of media by the politics, the political sociology of media power, media-political parallelism, and the structural coupling between the political and the media systems. This paper suggests that general programming channels have emerged as a new interface that accommodates and actualizes the structural coupling between the two societal subsystems, and in the course of that, they undercut the vulnerable basis of media public sphere, effectively replacing it with entertaining media-political sphere constructed and managed by themselves. This sphere is where the media system's logic and the poltical system's logic are intertwined, simutaneously accelerating not only the mediatization of the politics but also the politicization of the media.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.43
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• pp.314-358
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• 2008

This study examined how the meaning of news stories covering the split of national opinion was constructed in the media to represent social conflicts. To clarify the function of the term 'split of national opinion' as an ultimate term, this study examined the meaning of the term in the context of both text and society. Ten newspapers were included in the content analysis. The frequency of words used for the purpose of metaphor and equivalent in describing the split of national opinion was calculated to determine their meaning in the textual context. The frequency of incidents and subjects involved in allegedly causing the split of national opinion was calculated to determine their meaning in the social context. The results of this study are summarized as follows: First, the term 'split of national opinion' was coined by the newspapers as a metaphor of disease, disaster, and cost. The attitudes or the ways in which the split of national opinion was dealt with were generally negative and passive. Second, the term 'split of national opinion' was dealt with an equivalent status of such terms as national policy, national loss, societal problems, and ideology. Third, each newspaper reported that the split of national opinion had been caused by certain subjects, which indicates that each newspaper had its own position of viewing who was the key player in splitting the national opinion. The implication was also discussed that the use of the ultimate term would incur the unbalance of power between participants and the existing players, which would make individuals or groups who were involved in the social actions excluded and make the newspapers exercise the rhetorical power as news media.