• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.42
• /
• pp.39-70
• /
• 2014

Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae Yoon Jeung either accepted Yulgok Neo-Confucianism as it was or modified it. In this study, his Neo-Confucianism was divided into acceptance and modification in Yulgok Neo-Confucianism and examined. In the acceptance of Yulgok Neo-Confucianism, it was clarified that Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae Yoon Jeung thoroughly inherited characteristics of Yulgok Neo-Confucianism, including 'Yiguijimyo', 'Yitongguiguk' and 'Guibalyiseungildo'. However, Myungjae was not just satisfied with inheriting Yulgok Neo-Confucianism as it was, but modified and inherited the theory of Yulgok by suggesting his own original preaching. There were three original preaching of his in overall; 'emphasis on the control of Li', 'argument method on a theory of gaining knowledge by the study of things', and 'perception on moral mind, human mind and human desire'. Ultimately, it is concluded that Myungjae modified, inherited and developed Yulgok Neo-Confucianism to adjust a theory of Neo-Confucianism in a position of 'Yiguijimyo', based on 'a theory of Guibalyiseungildo' of Yulgok as a Confucian scholar of Giho school. It is consistent with his life philosophy that he avoided speculative arguments on Neo-Confucianism and pursued solid study(實工) with solid mind(實心). It is also consistent with his view of learning that he believed that theories of ancient sages were already rich that we should read them and practice their true knowledge(眞知), and making an effort on writing regardless of them was not a study of Mushil(務實). However, due to his younger students, he was classified as a scholar who emphasized the control of 'Li' the most in Yulgok school, and a new academic tie of Giho Soron was created. It is the most important significance that Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae has in that of Giho.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.51
• /
• pp.235-278
• /
• 2017

Then, why was the system so thorough and strict? How could that be possible? I approached this question by explaining the task of the Joseon Dynasty for the construction of a Confucian community based on Sunglihak. Sunglihak meant the metaphysics of human nature and universe order, or the rule of heaven. The people who opened the Joseon Dynasty aimed at constructing a Confucian community based on propriety as the principle of the society. The records and archives played an administrative function, for example, controlling royal power, as well as the role of constructing a national community identity based on Sunglihak. This kind of records and records management practices of the Joseon Dynasty can be seen as conceptual construction and conceptual constructs, although they were physical entities in reality. They reflected the Sunglihak value system as, in the words of Michel Focault, an "episteme" and played a social role based on it. In particular, I explained it in light of the constructivism of Sunglihak and the semiosis concept of Charles Sanders Peirce.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.50
• /
• pp.121-138
• /
• 2013

여헌(旅軒) 장현광(張顯光)(1554-1637)이다. 그는 한국 16-17세기의 저명한 사상가이다. 그의 사상은 퇴계와 율곡의 학설을 흡수하고 계승하였을 뿐 아니라 자신의 독창성을 드러내고 있다. 그는 퇴계와 율곡의 이기설을 극복하고 종합하여 자신의 독창적인 "이기경위설(理氣經緯說)"을 제기하였고, 그로 인해 한국 성리학의 특색을 갖춘 인물이 되었다. 그는 경위(經緯)의 구조(構造)로 이기(理氣)의 관계를 관찰하고 분석하였으며, "이(理)(경(經))"를 불변의 표준으로 삼고 "기(氣)(위(緯))"를 가변적인 작용(作用)으로 삼았다. 이를 통해 성리학의 이기(理氣) 관계를 새롭게 해석하였다. 세계 구성을 이기(理氣)의 측면에서 현상론적인 측면에서 본다면 이기일물(理氣一物), 이기경위(理氣經緯)는 이기일원론(理氣一元論)으로 해석될 수 있다. 이기경위설(理氣經緯說)의 전제(前提)는 분합론(分合論)으로 이어진다고 본 다. 합(선(先))-분(금(今))-합(후(後))은 시간적 순서, 형이상하적 구분을 의미한다고도 볼 수 있을 것이다.

• Sijohaknonchong
• /
• v.20
• /
• pp.51-73
• /
• 2004

The goal of work is to Metaphysics (the science of human nature and natureal laws) and Ecology of Gosangugokga<고산구곡가>. Gosangugokga is the harmony of nature and human. The fundamental idea of Metaphysics and Ecology are each same. Gosangugokga is the works of Yunsijo(연시조) by the Yulgok(율곡) and formulated ten-lines. Yulgok was Korean famous a Confucian scholar. His thought summarized that is Likizimyo(이기지묘) Litongkiguk(이통기국). Kiballiseung (기발이승). Yulgok was an espeaially emphasize to the harmony of nature and human. Gosangugokga is the appearance of Yulgok's thought. And so, it is possible throughout Gosangugokga was the metaphysical recognize of ecology. The works of a recognition of residence, the rotation of four seasons. the company with life were the metaphysical recognize of ecology in Gosangugokga. The contents of a Gosangugokga is the fundamental idea of metaphysics. Then, that is the closely related to the ecology. Therefore this dissertation studied the Gosangugokga by investigating a relationship between metaphysics and ecology.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.36
• /
• pp.7-42
• /
• 2013

This article is on the introduction and origin of Korean Neo-Confucianism. In this article, it is verified and clarified that a scholar named Jeong, Sin-bo (鄭臣保) from Southern Song settled on today's Seosan Ganwoldo (看月島) in the year of 1237 (24th year of the king Gojong in Korean Dynasty) and he introduced the Neo-Confucianism both by Jeong, Myung-do (程明道) and Jeong, Yi-cheon (程伊川) who are also called Double Jeong to Korean scholars. Based on these facts, it overturns the history that Anhyang (安珦) first introduced Neo-Confucianism to Korean Dynasty in the year of 1290 even with 35 years ahead. When this gains official approval by the academia, the history of Neo-Confucianism seems to be rewritten. This article first examines changes in history of Korean Neo-Confucianism with three stages and then concentrates on the life of Jeong, Sin-bo. It presents that Jeong, Sin-bo was a descendant of a Southern Song's noble family named Pogang Jeong (浦江鄭氏) and he committed to Chunqiu thoughts (春秋思想) and spirit of loyalty (義理精神) naturally as the posterity of Pogang Jeong. Lastly, it also infers the transmission of Jeong, Sin-bo's scholastic mantle and his influence on the posterity.

• 중국학논총
• /
• no.53
• /
• pp.37-58
• /
• 2017

鑒於性理學傳入韓國的時期, 有學者主張是北宋時期, 也有部分學者對此持否定意見, 指出是南宋時期經由高麗末期的安珦傳入韓國.筆者認爲與其說是某一時期由特定人物將性理學'導入'韓國, 不如說是時代潮流下諸多人士關心與努力的結果, 這一自然而然的'流入'說更爲妥當.本文以此爲前提, 指出止浦金坵正是奠定性理學'流入'礎石的代表性人物, 並對此加以論證. 本文首先考察了止浦金坵初赴大都時中國的儒學即性理學的具體展開情況, 其次對元朝儒臣王鶚這一人物進行了了解, 不管是采取何種方式, 總之王鶚與止浦之間有著交流, 論文對其在學問上直接或間接影響止浦的可能性進行了判斷. 通過以上的考察與辨析.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.41
• /
• pp.61-90
• /
• 2010

In this paper, I focused on analyzing Yeoheon Chang Hyeon-gwang's literary theory and his prose in the genealogy of Confucian scholars in Chosun. Through this study, I would like to examine the trend of concentrating on 16th century when we treat the literary tendency of Confucian scholars. With this goal, I tried to seek the direction which was pursued by Confucian scholars who lived during the 17th century. Yeoheon tried to construct the spirit of humanities cosmically as an aim of his life, study, and literature. And he had a new understanding of human independence by suffering from Japanese invasion in the late of 16th century. He insisted that only human can realize the spirit of humanities on a cosmic base. He also thought that the morality(道) could be settled only by literature(文). We may interpret this concept as a progressive idea about literature comparing to the former Confucian scholars. On the other hands, Yeoheon tried to accept the literary theory of former scholars such like Park Young, Cho Sik, and Seong Woon who embraced Taoism. Yet he erased the color of Taoism in the field of topic, and he also tried to keep his distance from them in the field of literary form. This concept actually came from Lee Hwang's opinion, while Yeoheon tried to rouse scholar's independence. Through above, we may realize that the Confucian scholars of 17th century were not just imitators of 16th century. They tried to examine the former study and also tried to renew the theory.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.50
• /
• pp.139-169
• /
• 2016

Nakron School of the ruling Noron Party in late Joseon Dynasty was at the helm of state with Neo-Confucian ideology and it came out of being obsessed with conventional 'spiritual' aspects and changed both political and academic atmosphere with interests in 'matters.' The power leading such a change was scholars in Seoksil Seowon (石室書院) which centered around Kim Won-Haeng (金元行). However, except for few progressive scholars-Bukhak scholars (北學論者), most of Nakron scholars secretly acknowledged the actuality of Qing Dynasty but they failed to get out of old Neo-Confucian traditions. It was difficult for them to accept Bukhak theory which jeopardized the existence of administration. They sought plans both to keep Neo-Confucian traditions and Sinocentrism in Joseon and to reach the cultural level of Qing Dynasty and in that process, they recognized restoration of the statecraft study (經世學) summarized on Seongridaejeon as an alternative. Hwang Yun-Seok is a representative Neo-Confucian scholar in such response of Nakron. He rediscovered value of the science of xiangshu in the Neo-Confucian category and highlighted importance of Seongridaejeon yet again.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.42
• /
• pp.9-37
• /
• 2014

This article is to review academic aspects of Iljae Lee Hang through Toegye Lee Hwang's comments. Iljae Lee Hang (一齋 李恒: 1499~1576) is a representative Neo-Confucian scholar in Honam area in 16th century. His Sung Confucianism was known to Toegye Lee Hwang by Gobong Gi Dae Seung and consequentially received attention from academic world. Lee Hang's Sung Confucianism, however, has hardly drawn attention since 17th century due to Lee Hwang's negative assessment. Impeaching Lee Hang's academic attitude and methods, Lee Hwang evaluated him as having many problems. Lee Hwang criticized that Lee Hang studied Neo-Confucianism with no great effort and he was so much confident to say 'Logic of the world does not deviate from this' based on Chengzi and Zhuzi's saying which was only appealing to his ideas. Lee Hang actually cited theories of Chengzi and Zhuzi and stressed self-complacency when necessary, which therefore made him fail to exhibit consistency. Iljae partly brought Lee Hwang's criticism upon himself. Lee Hwang's negative assessment is not to be literally accepted but his assessment is helpful indeed to critically examine Lee Hang's Neo-Confucianism.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.52
• /
• pp.69-106
• /
• 2017

Shim Dae-Yoon's ChunChuSaJeonSokJeon presented a new direction of the study about ChunChu in Chosun dynasty. It broke the rigid frame for the study about ChunChu in Chosun dynasty and was an experimental challenge trying to interpret ChunChu based on the view of Post-Neo-Confucian. This study is to identify the nature of the Shim Dae-Yoon's interpretation about ChunChu based on the view of Post-Neo-Confucian and to analyze his analytical methodology. Shim Dae-Yoon's interpretation about ChunChu, first of all, newly identified its nature beyond existing Confucian approach. Second, it attempted to approach to the true nature of ChunChu criticizing existing Confucian interpretation as well as differentiating its interpretation methodology. In this approach, Shim Dae-Yoon highlighted the realistic value of ChunChu focusing on the objectivity as a record instead of the absoluteness as a classical text. His study about ChunChu can be evaluated as a significant role in the intellectual history setting up a Post-Neo-Confucian foundation for the study about ChunChu though it failed to structure a complete theoretical frame.