• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.57-67
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• 1998

Purpose : This study was undertaken to determine the preoperative predictors of mortality and morbidity after lung cancer resection. Method: During the period from October 1, 1995 to August 31, 1996, a prospective study was conducted in 92 lung resection candidates diagnosed as lung cancer. For preoperative predictors of nonpulmonary factors, we considered age, sex, weight loss, hematocrit, serum albumin, EKG and concomitant illness, and for those of pulmonary factors, smoking history, presence of pneumonia, dyspnea scale(1 to 4), arterial blood gas analysis with room air breathing, routine pulmonary function test. And predicted postoperative(ppo) pulmonary factors such as PPO-$FEV_1$, ppo-diffusing capacity(DLco), predicted postoperative product(PPP) of ppo-$FEV_1%{\times}ppo$-DLco% and ppo-maximal $O_2$ uptake($VO_2$max) were also considered. Results: There were 78 men and 14 women with a median age of 62 years(range 42 to 82) and a mean $FEV_1$ of $2.37\pm0.06L$. Twenty nine patients had a decreased $FEV_1$ less than 2.0L. Pneumonectomy was performed in 26 patients, bilobectomy in 12, lobectomy in 54. Pulmonary complications developed in 10 patients, cardiac complications in 9, other complications(empyema, air leak, bleeding) in 11, and 16 patients were managed in intensive care unit for more than 48hours. Three patients died within 30 days after operation. The ppo-$VO_2$max was less than 10ml/kg/min in these three patients, but its statistical significance could not be determined due to small number of patients. In multivariate analysis, the predictor related to postoperative death was weight loss(p<0.05), and as for pulmonary complications, weight loss, dyspnea scale, ppo-DLco and extent of resection(p<0.05). Conclusions: Based on this study, preoperative nonpulmonary factors such as weight loss and dyspnea scale are more important than the pulmonary factors in the prediction of postoperative mortality and/or morbodity in lung resection candidates, but exercise pulmonary fuction test may be useful Our study suggests that ppo-$VO_2$max value less than 10ml/kg/min is associated with death after lung cancer resection but further studies are needed to validate this result.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.33-45
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• 1978

The purpose of present study is to analyze the genetic variation of natural stand of Pinus densiflora. In 1975 following after the selection of 1974, twenty trees from each of three natural populations of the species were selected and their open-pollinated seeds were collected, and the locations and conditions of the populations ate presented in table 1, 2 and figure 1. Some morphological traits of the populations were already detailed in our second report of this series, in which Myong-Ju and Ul-Jin populations were regarded to be superior phenotypically to suweon population. The morphological traits of cone, seed and seed-wing, and also the growth performances and needle characters of the seedling were observed in the present study according to the previous methods. The results obtained are summarized as follows; 1. The meteorological data obtained by averaging the records of 30 year period (1931~1960) measured from the nearest meteorological stations to each population are shown in fig.2, 3, 4. The distributional patterns of investigated climate factors are generally considered to be similar among the locations. However, the precipitation density during growing season and the air temperature during dormant season on Suweon area, population 6, were quite different from those of the other areas. 2. The measurements of fresh cone weight, length, diameter and cone index, i.e., length to diameter ratio are presented in table 7. As shown in table 7, all these traits except for cone diameter seem to be highly significant in population differences and family differences within population. 3. The morphological traits of seed and seed-wing are detailed in table 8, 9, and highly significant differences are recognized among the populations and the families within population in seed-wing length, seed-wing index, seed weight, seed-length and seed index but not among the populations in the other observed traits. The values of correlation coefficient between the characters of cone and seed are given in table 10 and the positive significant correlations can be observed in the most parts of the compared traits. 4. Significant statistical differences among populations and families within population are observed in the growth performances of 1-0 and 1-1 seedling height of these progenies. But the differences in root collar diameter are shown only among families within population. As shown in table 13, the most parts of correlations are not significant statistically between the growth performances of seedling and the seed characters. 5. The number of stomata row on both sides of needle and the serration density were measured in the seedlings from each of the families of the three populations. As shown in table 15, statistical differences are considered to be significant among the populations and among the families within population in serration density but not among the populations in stomata row on both sides of the needle. The results differ from those of the third report of this series. Even if one of the reason seems to be the diversity of selected populations, it could not be confirmed definitely. The correlations between progenies and parents are not generally observed in the investigated traits of needle as shown in table 16.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.48 no.1
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• pp.14-23
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• 2000

Background: The evaluation of candidates for successful lung resection is important. Our study was conducted to determine the preoperative predictors of postoperative mortality and morbidity in lung cancer patients with impaired lung function. Method; Between October 1, 1995 and August 31, 1997, 36 lung resection candidates for lung cancer with $FEV_1$ of less than 2L or 60% of predicted value were included prospectively. Age, sex, weight loss, hematocrit, serum albumin, EKG and concomitant illness were considered as systemic potential predictors for successful lung resection. Smoking history, presence of pneumonia, dyspnea scale(l to 4), arterial blood gas analysis with room air breathing, routine pulmonary function test were also included for the analysis. In addition, predicted postoperative(ppo) pulmonary factors such as ppo-$FEV_1$ ppo-diffusing capacity(DLco), predicted postoperative product(PPP) of ppo-$FEV_1%{\times}$ppo-DLco% and ppo-maximal $O_2$ uptake($VO_2$max) were also measured. Results: There were 31 men and 5 women with the median age of 65 years(range, 44 to 82) and a mean $FEV_1$ of $1.78{\pm}0.06L$. Pneumonectomy was performed in 14 patients, bilobectomy in 8, lobectomy in 14. Pulmonary complications developed in 10 patients; cardiac complications in 3, other complications(empyema, air leak, bleeding) in 4. Twelve patients were managed in the intensive care unit for more than 48 hours. Two patients died within 30 days after operation. The ppo-$VO_2$max was less than 10 ml/kg/min in these two patients. MVV was the only predictor for the pulmonary complications. However, there was no predictor for the post operative death in this study. Conclusions: Based on the results, MVV was the useful predictor for postoperative pulmonary complications in lung cancer resection candidates with impaired lung function In addition, ppo-$VO_2$max value less than 10 ml/kg/min was associated with postoperative death, so exercise pulmonary function test could be useful as preoperative test. But further studies are needed to validate this result.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.26-36
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• 2018

This study aims to examine the characteristics of landscape through the analysis of location and the landscape of Gugok while also conducting the empirical study through the literature review, field study, and digital analysis of the Okgung Gugok. Oksan Gugok is a set of songs set in Ogsan Creek(玉山川)or Jagyese Creek(紫溪川, 紫玉山), which flows in front of the Oksan Memorial Hall(李彦迪), which is dedicated to the Lee Eong-jeok (李彦迪). We first ascertained the location and configuration of Oksan Gogok. Second, we confirmed the accurate location of Oksan Gogok by utilizing the digital topographic map of Oksan Gogok which was submitted by Google Earth Pro and Geographic Information Center as well as the length of the longitude of the gravel measured by the Trimble Juno SB GPS. Through the study of the literature and the field investigation, The results of the study are as follows. First, Yi Eonjeok was not a direct composer of Oksan Gugok, nor did he produce "Oksan Gugokha(Music)". Lee Ia-sung(李野淳), the ninth Youngest Son of Tweo-Kye, Hwang Lee, visited the "Oksan Gugokha" in the spring of 1823(Sunjo 23), which was the 270th years after the reign of Yi Eonjeok. At this time, receiving the proposal of Ian Sung, Lee Jung-eom(李鼎儼), Lee Jung-gi(李鼎基), and Lee Jung-byeong(李鼎秉), the descendants of Ian Sung set up a song and created Oksan Gugok Music. And the Essay of Oksan Travel Companions writted by Lee Jung-gi turns out being a crucial data to describe the situation when setting up the Ok-San Gugok. Second, In the majority of cases, Gogok Forest is a forest managed by a Confucian Scholar, not run by ordinary people. The creation of "Oksan Bugok Music" can be regarded as an expression of pride that the descendants of Yi Eonjeok and Lee Hwang, and next generation of several Confucian scholars had inherited traditional Neo-Confucian. Third, Lee Jung-eom's "Oksan Donghaengki" contains a detailed description of the "Oksan Gugokha" process and the process of creating a song. Fourth, We examined the location of one to nine Oksan songs again. In particular, eight songs and nine songs were located at irregular intervals, and eight songs were identified as $36^{\circ}01^{\prime}08.60^{{\prime}{\prime}}N$, $129^{\circ}09^{\prime}31.20^{{\prime}{\prime}}E$. Referring to the ancient kingdom of Taojam, the nine-stringed Sainam was unbiased as a lower rock where the two valleys of the East West congregate. The location was estimated at $36^{\circ}01^{\prime}19.79^{{\prime}{\prime}}N$, $129^{\circ}09^{\prime}30.26^{{\prime}{\prime}}E$. Fifth, The landscape elements and landscapes presented in Lee Jung-eom's "Oksan Gugokha" were divided into form, semantic and climatic elements. As a result, Lee Jung-eom's Cho Young-gwan was able to see the ideal of mountain water and the feeling of being idle in nature as well as the sense of freedom. Sixth, After examining the appearance of the elements and the frequency of the appearance of the landscape, 'water' and 'mountain' were the absolute factors that emphasized the original curved environment at the mouth of Lee Jung-eom. Therefore, there was gugokga can gauge the fresh ideas(神仙思想)and retreat ever(隱居思想). This inherent harmony between the landscape as well as through the mulah any ideas that one with nature and meditation, Confucian tube.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.50 no.3
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• pp.270-283
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• 2017

Purpose: This study was conducted to examine coffee consumption behaviors, dietary habits, and nutrient intakes by coffee intake amount among university students. Methods: Questionnaires were distributed to 300 university students randomly selected in Gongju. Dietary survey was administered during two weekdays by the food record method. Results: Subjects were divided into three groups: NCG (non-coffee group), LCG (low coffee group, 1~2 cups/d), and HCG (high coffee group, 3 cups/d) by coffee intake amount and subjects' distribution. Coffee intake frequency was significantly greater in the HCG compared to the LCG (p < 0.001). The HCG was more likely to intake dripped coffee with or without milk and/or sugar than the LCG (p < 0.05). More than 80% of coffee drinkers chose their favorite coffee or accompanying snacks regardless of energy content. More than 75% of coffee takers did not eat accompanying snacks instead of meals, and the HCG ate them more frequently than LCG (p < 0.05). Breakfast skipping rate was high while vegetable and fruit intakes were very low in most subjects. Subjects who drank carbonated drinks, sweet beverages, or alcohol were significantly greater in number in the LCG and HCG than in the NCG (p < 0.01). Energy intakes from coffee were $0.88{\pm}5.62kcal/d$ and $7.07{\pm}16.93kcal/d$ for the LCG and HCG. For total subjects, daily mean dietary energy intake was low at less than 72% of estimated energy requirement. Levels of vitamin C and calcium were lower than the estimated average requirements while that of vitamin D was low (24~34% of adequate intake). There was no difference in nutrient intakes by coffee intake amount, except protein, vitamin A, and niacin. Conclusion: Coffee intake amount did not affect dietary nutrient intakes. Dietary habits were poor,and most nutrient intakes were lower than recommend levels. High intakes of coffee seemed to be related with high consumption of sweet beverages and alcohol. Therefore, it is necessary to improve nutritional intakes and encourage proper water intake habits, including coffee intake, for improved nutritional status of subjects.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.196-219
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• 2019

According to the Samguk Yusa, the nine-story wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple was built by a Baekje artisan named Abiji in 645. Until the temple was burnt down completely during the Mongol invasion of Korea in 1238, it was the greatest symbol of the spiritual culture of the Korean people at that time and played an important role in the development of Buddhist thought in the country for about 700 years. At present, the only remaining features of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which is now in ruins, are the pagoda's stylobate and several foundation stones. In the past, many researchers made diverse inferences concerning the restoration of the original structure and the overall architecture of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple, based on written records and excavation data. However, this information, together with the remaining external structure of the pagoda site and the assumption that it was a simple wooden structure, actually suggest that it was a rectangular-shaped nine-story pagoda. It is assumed that such ideas were suggested at a time when there was a lack of relevant data and limited knowledge on the subject, as well as insufficient information about the technical lineage of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple; therefore, these ideas should be revised in respect of the discovery of new data and an improved level of awareness about the structural features of large ancient Buddhist pagodas. This study focused on the necessity of raising awareness of the lineage and structure of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple and gaining a broader understanding of the structural system of ancient Buddhist pagodas in East Asia. The study is based on a reanalysis of data about the site of the wooden pagoda obtained through research on the restoration of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which has been ongoing since 2005. It is estimated that the wooden pagoda underwent at least two large-scale repairs between the Unified Silla and Goryeo periods, during which the size of the stylobate and the floor plan were changed and, accordingly, the upper structure was modified to a significant degree. Judging by the features discovered during excavation and investigation, traces relating to the nine-story wooden pagoda built during the Three Kingdoms Period include the earth on which the stylobate was built and the central pillar's supporting stone, which had been reinstalled using the rammed earth technique, as well as other foundation stones and stylobate stone materials that most probably date back to the ninth century or earlier. It seems that the foundation stones and stylobate stone materials were new when the reliquaries were enshrined again in the pagoda after the Unified Silla period, so the first story and upper structure would have been of a markedly different size to those of the original wooden pagoda. In addition, during the Goryeo period, these foundation stones were rearranged, and the cover stone was newly installed; therefore, the pagoda would seem to have undergone significant changes in size and structure compared to previous periods. Consequently, the actual structure of the original wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple should be understood in terms of the changes in large Buddhist pagodas built in East Asia at that time, and the technical lineage should start with the large Buddhist pagodas of the Baekje dynasty, which were influenced by the Northern dynasty of China. Furthermore, based on the archeological data obtained from the analysis of the images of the nine-story rock-carved pagoda depicted on the Rock-carved Buddhas in Tapgok Valley at Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju, and the gilt-bronze rail fragments excavated from the lecture hall at the site of Hwangnyongsa Temple, the wooden pagoda would appear to have originally been an octagonal nine-story pagoda with a dual structure, rather than a simple rectangular wooden structure.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.20-49
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• 2009

This paper explores the Korean royal tombs steles such as monumental steles and tombstone marks (神道碑, 表石) that are broadly fallen into the following three periods ; the 15~16th centuries, 17th~18th centuries, and 19th century. As a result, the royal tombs steles were built, unlike the private custom, on the heirs to the King's intentions. During the 15~17th centuries the construction and reconstruction of the monumental steles took place. In the late Joseon period, monumental steles had been replaced with a number of tombstone marks were built to appeal to the king's calligraphy carved on stone for the first time. During the Great Empire Han(大韓帝國) when the Joseon state was upgraded the empire, Emperors Gojong and Sunjong devoted to honor ancestors by rebuilding royal tombstone mark. Based on these periodical trends, it would not be exaggerated that the history of establishing the royal tombs steles formed in late Joseon. The type of royal tombs monuments originated from those of the Three Kingdoms era, a shapeless form, the new stele type of the Tang Dynasty (唐碑) has influenced on the building of monuments of the Unified Silla and Buddhist honorable monuments (塔碑) of the Goryeo Dynasty. From the 15th century, successive kings have wished to express the predecessors's achievements, nevertheless, the officials opposed it because the affairs of the King legacy (國史) were all recorded, so there is no need to establish the tombs steles. Although its lack of quantity, each Heonneung and Jereung monumental steles rebuilt in 1695 and 1744 respectively, is valuable to show the royal sculpture of the late Joseon period. Since the 15th century, the construction of the royal tombs monumental steles has been interrupted, the tombstone marks (boulders) with simpler format began to be erected within the tomb precincts. The Yeoneung tombstone mark(寧陵表石), built in 1682, shows the first magnificent scale and delicate sculpture technique. Many tombstone marks were erected since the 1740s on a large scale, largely caused by King Yeongjo's announce to the honorific business for the predecessors. Thanks to King Yeongjo's such appealing effort, over 20 pieces of tombstone marks were established during his reign. The fact that his handwritten calligraphic works first carved on tombstones was a remarkable phenomenon had never been appeared before. Since the 18th century, a double-slab high above the roof(加?石) and rectangular basement of the stele have been accepted as a typical format of the tombstone marks. In front of the stele, generally seal script calligraphic works after a Tang dynasty calligrapher Li Yangbing(李陽氷)'s brushwork were engraved. In 1897 when King Gojong declared the Empire, these tombstone marks were once again produced in large amounts. Because he tried to find the legitimacy of the Empire in the history of the Joseon dynasty and its four founding fathers in creating the monuments both of the front and back sides by carving his in-person-calligraphy as a ruler representing his symbolic authority. The tombstone marks made during this period, show an abstract sculpture features with the awkward techniques, and long and slim strokes. As mentioned above, the construction of monumental steles and tombstone marks is a historical and remarkable phenonenon to reveal the royal funeral custom, sculpture techniques, and successive kings' efforts to honor the royal predecessors.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.234-249
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• 2020

The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.104-129
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• 2020

Designated as a national treasure of Korea and inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List, the Tripitaka Koreana at Haeinsa Temple is the world's oldest and most comprehensive extant version of the Tripitaka in Hanja script (i.e., Chinese characters). The set consists of 81,352 carved woodblocks, some of which have two or more copies, which are known as "duplicate woodblocks." These duplicates are supplementary woodblocks (bogakpan) that were carved some time after the original production, likely to replace blocks that had been eroded or damaged by repeated printings. According to the most recent survey, the number of supplementary woodblocks is 118, or approximately 0.14% of the total set, which attests to the outstanding preservation of the original woodblocks. Research on the supplementary woodblocks can reveal important details about the preservation and management of the Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks. Most of the supplementary woodblocks were carved during the Joseon period (1392-1910) or Japanese colonial period (1910-1945). Although the details of the woodblocks from the Japanese colonial period have been recorded and organized to a certain extent, no such efforts have been made with regards to the woodblocks from the Joseon period. This paper analyzes the characteristics and production date of the supplementary woodblocks of the Tripitaka Koreana. The sutra with the most supplementary woodblocks is the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra (Perfection of Transcendental Wisdom), often known as the Heart Sutra. In fact, 76 of the total 118 supplementary woodblocks (64.4%) are for this sutra. Hence, analyses of printed versions of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra should illuminate trends in the carving of supplementary woodblocks for the Tripitaka Koreana, including the representative characteristics of different periods. According to analysis of the 76 supplementary woodblocks of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra, 23 were carved during the Japanese colonial period: 12 in 1915 and 11 in 1937. The remaining 53 were carved during the Joseon period at three separate times. First, 14 of the woodblocks bear the inscription "carved in the mujin year by Haeji" ("戊辰年更刻海志"). Here, the "mujin year" is estimated to correspond to 1448, or the thirtieth year of the reign of King Sejong. On many of these 14 woodblocks, the name of the person who did the carving is engraved outside the border. One of these names is Seonggyeong, an artisan who is known to have been active in 1446, thus supporting the conclusion that the mujin year corresponds to 1448. The vertical length of these woodblocks (inside the border) is 21 cm, which is about 1 cm shorter than the original woodblocks. Some of these blocks were carved in the Zhao Mengfu script. Distinguishing features include the appearance of faint lines on some plates, and the rough finish of the bottoms. The second group of supplementary woodblocks was carved shortly after 1865, when the monks Namho Yeonggi and Haemyeong Jangung had two copies of the Tripitaka Koreana printed. At the time, some of the pages could not be printed because the original woodblocks were damaged. This is confirmed by the missing pages of the extant copy that is now preserved at Woljeongsa Temple. As a result, the supplementary woodblocks are estimated to have been produced immediately after the printing. Evidently, however, not all of the damaged woodblocks could be replaced at this time, as only six woodblocks (comprising eight pages) were carved. On the 1865 woodblocks, lines can be seen between the columns, no red paint was applied, and the prayers of patrons were also carved into the plates. The third carving of supplementary woodblocks occurred just before 1899, when the imperial court of the Korean Empire sponsored a new printing of the Tripitaka Koreana. Government officials who were dispatched to supervise the printing likely inspected the existing blocks and ordered supplementary woodblocks to be carved to replace those that were damaged. A total of 33 supplementary woodblocks (comprising 56 pages) were carved at this time, accounting for the largest number of supplementary woodblocks for the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra. On the 1899 supplementary woodblocks, red paint was applied to each plate and one line was left blank at both ends.

• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.29-74
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• 2022

As social disasters occur under the Disaster Management Act, which can damage the people's "life, body, and property" due to the rapid spread and spread of unexpected COVID-19 infectious diseases in 2020, information collected through inspection and reporting of infectious disease pathogens (Article 11), epidemiological investigation (Article 18), epidemiological investigation for vaccination (Article 29), artificial technology, and prevention policy Decision), (3) It was used as an important basis for decision-making in the context of an infectious disease crisis, such as promoting vaccination and understanding the current status of damage. In addition, medical policy decisions using infectious disease data contribute to quarantine policy decisions, information provision, drug development, and research technology development, and interest in the legal scope and limitations of using infectious disease data has increased worldwide. The use of infectious disease data can be classified for the purpose of spreading and blocking infectious diseases, prevention, management, and treatment of infectious diseases, and the use of information will be more widely made in the context of an infectious disease crisis. In particular, as the serious stage of the Disaster Management Act continues, the processing of personal identification information and sensitive information becomes an important issue. Information on "medical records, vaccination drugs, vaccination, underlying diseases, health rankings, long-term care recognition grades, pregnancy, etc." needs to be interpreted. In the case of "prevention, management, and treatment of infectious diseases", it is difficult to clearly define the concept of medical practicesThe types of actions are judged based on "legislative purposes, academic principles, expertise, and social norms," but the balance of legal interests should be based on the need for data use in quarantine policies and urgent judgment in public health crises. Specifically, the speed and degree of transmission of infectious diseases in a crisis, whether the purpose can be achieved without processing sensitive information, whether it unfairly violates the interests of third parties or information subjects, and the effectiveness of introducing quarantine policies through processing sensitive information can be used as major evaluation factors. On the other hand, the collection, provision, and use of infectious disease data for research purposes will be used through pseudonym processing under the Personal Information Protection Act, consent under the Bioethics Act and deliberation by the Institutional Bioethics Committee, and data provision deliberation committee. Therefore, the use of research purposes is recognized as long as procedural validity is secured as it is reviewed by the pseudonym processing and data review committee, the consent of the information subject, and the institutional bioethics review committee. However, the burden on research managers should be reduced by clarifying the pseudonymization or anonymization procedures, the introduction or consent procedures of the comprehensive consent system and the opt-out system should be clearly prepared, and the procedure for re-identifying or securing security that may arise from technological development should be clearly defined.