• Title/Summary/Keyword: 상징 표현

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An Interpretation of the Landscape Meaning and Culture of Anpyung-Daegun(Prince)'s Bihaedang Garden (안평대군 비해당(匪懈堂) 원림의 의미경관과 조경문화)

  • Shin, Sang-Sup;Rho, Jae-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.1
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    • pp.28-37
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    • 2011
  • In this study, the series-poem, Bihaedangsasippalyoung(48 poems for beautiful scene of Bihaedang), written by scholars of Jiphyonjeon for Bihaedang garden of Anpyung-Daegun(Prince Anpyung, 1416-1453), was analyzed focusing on scenery lexeme to interpret the meaning of scenery and gardening culture of Sadaebu(noblemen) during the first term of Chosun Dynasty. The study result is as followings. First, the subtitle of Sasippalyoung(48 poems) written by Anpyung-Daegun while he grew Bihaedang garden on the foot of Inwang Mountain showed repetitive nomativity comparing joining of yin and yang, such as life and form of animal and plan, time and space, meaning and symbolism, etc. Among scenery lexemes, 38 are represented plant and flowers, and 8 are represented gardening ornaments and animals. Second, the names of gardens were expressed as Wonrim, Jongje, Imchon(Trees and Ponds), or Hwawon(Flower garden), or also presented as Gongjeong(Empty garden), Manwon(Full garden), Jungjeong(Middle garden), Huwon(Backyard), Wonrak(Inner court), or Byulwon(Seperated garden) depending on density and location. In addition, there were pavilions and ponds, stepping stones and stairs, a pergola, a flat bench, flowerpots, an artificial hill, oddly shaped stones, wells, aviary, flower beds, or hedges. A gardener was called Sahwa(flower keeper), planting and gardening of garden trees were called Jaebae(cultivation), a pond island was called Boogoo(floating hill), and miniature landscapes were called Chukjee(reduced land). Third, willows were planted on the outdoor yard, and plum trees were planted in front of the library, which led to bamboo woods road. Peony, camellia, tree peony and crepe myrtle were planted on the inner court with mossy rocks, small artificial hills, glass rocks, flower pots. There were rectangular ponds, while breeding deer, dove, rooster, and cranes. Fourth, landscape elements were enjoyed as metaphysical symbolic landscape by anthropomorphism, such as (1) gentlemen and loyalty, (2) wealth and prosperity, (3) Taoist hermit and poetical life, (4) reclusion and seclusion, (5) filial piety, virtue, introspection, etc. In other words, the garden presented a variety of gardening culture appreciating meaningful landscape, such as investigation of things, reclusion and seclusion, and building orientation of a fairyland yearning eternal youth and Mureungdowon(Taoist Arcadia) by making a garden blending beautiful flowers and trees, with precious birds and animals. Fifth, there were many landscape appreciation schemes, such as Angkyung(looking-up), Bukyung(looking-down), Jeokyung(looking-under), Chakyung(bringing outer space into inside), Yookyung(flower viewing), Yojeong(walking around the garden enjoying flowers), Hwasaekhyangbyuk(flower gardening), and Garden appreciation enjoying landscape through time and seasons with different inspirations.

The rite of worshiping heaven's ritual analysis from end of Koryo to beginning of Choson period (려말선초(麗末鮮初) 제천례(祭天禮)의 의례적 분석 - 명대와의 비교를 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Sang-tae
    • Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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    • no.45
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    • pp.291-325
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    • 2014
  • This study is about examining the changing process of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty. For this, it was compared with book of national rites. This paper will outline the differences of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven between Korea and China and its reason for changing process. Also, it shows the understanding of the historic characteristics of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty through analyzing conducted religious service. Following methodological approach was used to achieve the aim of the study. The study includes historical changing process and basic ritual of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven from Koryo dynasaty to King Sejo period through various chronicles and books of rites. Understanding the trend transition of operating commemorative rites of worshiping heaven is expressed differently based on the situation in those days even though it is the same operation of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven. The existing study only primarily considered the rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty through the resources within the country. However, the process of settlement of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven is closely related to settlement of Confucian formality. As the problems cannot be solved if institutional changes are researched only though the resources within the nation, this following study also considered the transition of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven in China for sure. Through this approach, the study understood how China's rites of worshiping heaven settled down and formed in Korea and found differences of the rites of worshiping heaven between the two nations by comparing China's book with ornamental "seal" characters throughout many generations. Furthermore, it also illustrated historical characteristics of rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty by analyzing carried out religious service. Although it seems like there are many similarities of Chinese ritual procedure between Koryo dynasty and Chosun dynasty, there are existing significant differences in the context. Moreover, it is clear that there are differences of ritual between Tang, Song, Ming dynasty. These differences are directly connected to Korea and also with transition of king's power. Generally, Tang and Song dynasty show similar trend whilst Ming clarifies the differences between the two. For instance, there are differences between deep bow and superintendent of cho-hun, a-hun, and jong-hun. Transition of configuration is also one of the major differences. Changing of configuration has considerably important meaning refer to status of king's power. Analyzing specific features, such as size of altar, ancestral tablet, people who participate in sacrifices, okpye, configuration, and etc., made possible to consider the actual differences, not just examining different features of vaguely. Based on this foundation, the study closely examined the differences among the periods between the nations and gave the significance of the differences.

The Concept of Beauty and Aesthetic Characteristics in Daesoon Thought (대순사상의 미(美) 개념과 미학적 특징)

  • Lee, Jee-young;Lee, Gyung-won
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.37
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    • pp.191-227
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    • 2021
  • In this study, values of truth and good are expressed in the form of beauty, and truth and good are analyzed from an aesthetic point of view. This enables an assessment of how truth is expressed and presented as an "aesthetic" in Daesoon Thought. Therefore, an approach to faith in Daesoon Jinrihoe (大巡眞理會) can be presented via traditional aesthetics or theological aesthetics that reflect on sense experience, feelings, and beauty. The concept of beauty in Daesoon Thought which focuses on The Canonical Scripture appears in keywords used in Daesoon Thought such as divine nature (神性), the pattern of Dao (道理), the singularly-focused mind (一心), and relationships (關係). Therein, one can find sublimation, symmetry, moderation, and harmony. The aesthetic features of Daesoon Thought, when considered as an aesthetic system can formulate thinking regarding the aesthetics of 'Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth' (天地公事), the aesthetics of Mutual Beneficence (相生), and the aesthetics of healing. The Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth contain a record of the Supreme God visiting the world as a human being. The realization that the human figure, Kang Jeungsan (1871-1909), is the Supreme God, Sangje (上帝), is the shocking aesthetic motif and theological starting point of the Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth. Mutual Beneficence can be seen aesthetically as indicating the sociality of mutual relations, and there is an aesthetic structure of Mutual Beneficence in the harmony and unification of those relations. Healing can be said to contain the sacred sublimation of Sangje, and moderation is a form of beauty that makes humans move toward Quieting the mind and Quieting the body (安心·安身), the Dharma of Presiding over Cures (醫統), and the ultimate value of healing, which is the end point of the Cultivation (修道) wherein one realizes that the ideals of humankind and the aesthetics of healing bestow the spiritual pleasures of a beautiful and valuable life. The aesthetic characteristics of Daesoon Thought demonstrate an aesthetic attitude that leads to healing through Sangje's Holy Works and the practice of Mutual Beneficence (相生) which were performed when He stayed with us to vastly save all beings throughout the Three Realms that teetered on the brink of extinction. It is not uncommon to see a beautiful woman and remark she is like a goddess (女神) or female immortal (仙女). Likewise, beautiful music is often praised as "the sound of heaven." That which fills us with joy is spoken of as "divine beings (神明)" of God. God is a symbol of beauty, and the world of God can be said to be the archetype of beauty. Experience of beauty guides our souls to God. The aesthetic experience of Daesoon Thought is a religious experience that culminates in emotional, intellectual, and spiritual joy, and it is an aesthetic experience that recognizes transcendent beauty.

Analysis of the Stage and Performance Elements for Bongsudang-jinchan Banquet in Joseon Dynasty (봉수당진찬(奉壽堂進饌)의 무대와 공연 요소 분석)

  • Song, Hye-jin
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.18
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    • pp.413-444
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    • 2009
  • This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.

Psychotherapy for Somatoform Disorder (신체형 장애의 정신치료)

  • Lee, Moo-Suk
    • Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
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    • v.4 no.2
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    • pp.269-276
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    • 1996
  • A theroretical study was made on the psychodynamism of somatoform disorder. Somatoform disorder is caused by a defense mechanism of somatization. Somatization is the tendency to react to stimuli(drives, defenses, and conflict between them) physically rather than psychically(Moore, 1990). Ford(1983) said it is a way of life, and Dunbar(1954) said it is the shift of psychic energy toward expression in somatic symptoms. As used by Max Shur(1955), somatization links symptom formation to the regression that may occur in response to acute and chronic conflict. In the neurotic individual psychic conflict often provokes regressive phenomena that may include somatic manifestations characteristic of an earlier developmental phase. Schur calls this resomatization. Pain is the most common example of a somatization reaction to conflict. The pain has an unconscious significance derived from childhood experiences. It is used to win love, to punish misdeeds, as well as a means to amend. Among all pains, chest pain has a special meaning. Generally speaking, 'I have pain in my chest' is about the same as 'I have pain in my mind'. The chest represent the mind, and the mind reminds us about the heart. So we have a high tendency to recognize mental pain as cardiac pain. Kellner(1990) said rage and hostility, especially repressed hostility, are important factors in somatization. In 'Psychoanalytic Observation on Cardiac Pain', psychoanalyst Bacon(1953) presented clinical cases of patients who complained of cardiac pain in a psychoanalytic session that spread from the left side of their chests down their left arms. The pain was from rage and fear which came after their desire to be loved was frustrated by the analyet. She said desires related to cardiac pain were dependency needs and aggressions. Empatic relationship and therapeutic alliances are indispensable to psychotherapy in somatoform disorder. The beginning of therapy is to discover a precipitating event from the time their symptoms have started and to help the patient understand a relation between the symptom and precipitating event. Its remedial process is to find and interpret a intrapsychic conflict shown through the symptoms of the patient. Three cases of somatoform disorder patients treated based on this therapeutic method were introduced. The firt patient, Mr. H, had been suffering from hysterical aphasia with repressed rage as ie psychodynamic cause. An interpretation related to the precipitating event was given by written communication, and he recovered from his aphasia after 3 days of the session. The second patient was a dentist in a cardiac neurosis with agitation and hypochondriasis, whose psychodynamism was caused by a fear that he might lose his father's love. His symptom was also interpreted in relation to the precipitating event. It showed the patient a child-within afraid of losing his father's love. His condition improved after getting a didactic interpretation which told him, to be master of himself, The third patient was a lady transferred from the deparment of internal medicine. She had a frequent and violent fit of chest pains, whose psychodynamic cause was separation anxiety and a rage due to the frustration of dependency needs. Her symptom vanished dramatically when she wore a holler EKG monitor and did not occur during monitoring. By this experience she found her symptom was a psychogenic one, and a therapeutic alliance was formed. later in reguar psychotherapy sessions, she was told the relaton between symptoms and precipitating events. Through this she understood that her separation anxiety was connected to the symptom and she became less terrifide when it occurred. Now she can travel abroad and take well part in social activities.

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A Study on the Architecture of the Original Nine-Story Wooden Pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple (황룡사 창건 구층목탑 단상)

  • Lee, Ju-heun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.2
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    • pp.196-219
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    • 2019
  • According to the Samguk Yusa, the nine-story wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple was built by a Baekje artisan named Abiji in 645. Until the temple was burnt down completely during the Mongol invasion of Korea in 1238, it was the greatest symbol of the spiritual culture of the Korean people at that time and played an important role in the development of Buddhist thought in the country for about 700 years. At present, the only remaining features of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which is now in ruins, are the pagoda's stylobate and several foundation stones. In the past, many researchers made diverse inferences concerning the restoration of the original structure and the overall architecture of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple, based on written records and excavation data. However, this information, together with the remaining external structure of the pagoda site and the assumption that it was a simple wooden structure, actually suggest that it was a rectangular-shaped nine-story pagoda. It is assumed that such ideas were suggested at a time when there was a lack of relevant data and limited knowledge on the subject, as well as insufficient information about the technical lineage of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple; therefore, these ideas should be revised in respect of the discovery of new data and an improved level of awareness about the structural features of large ancient Buddhist pagodas. This study focused on the necessity of raising awareness of the lineage and structure of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple and gaining a broader understanding of the structural system of ancient Buddhist pagodas in East Asia. The study is based on a reanalysis of data about the site of the wooden pagoda obtained through research on the restoration of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which has been ongoing since 2005. It is estimated that the wooden pagoda underwent at least two large-scale repairs between the Unified Silla and Goryeo periods, during which the size of the stylobate and the floor plan were changed and, accordingly, the upper structure was modified to a significant degree. Judging by the features discovered during excavation and investigation, traces relating to the nine-story wooden pagoda built during the Three Kingdoms Period include the earth on which the stylobate was built and the central pillar's supporting stone, which had been reinstalled using the rammed earth technique, as well as other foundation stones and stylobate stone materials that most probably date back to the ninth century or earlier. It seems that the foundation stones and stylobate stone materials were new when the reliquaries were enshrined again in the pagoda after the Unified Silla period, so the first story and upper structure would have been of a markedly different size to those of the original wooden pagoda. In addition, during the Goryeo period, these foundation stones were rearranged, and the cover stone was newly installed; therefore, the pagoda would seem to have undergone significant changes in size and structure compared to previous periods. Consequently, the actual structure of the original wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple should be understood in terms of the changes in large Buddhist pagodas built in East Asia at that time, and the technical lineage should start with the large Buddhist pagodas of the Baekje dynasty, which were influenced by the Northern dynasty of China. Furthermore, based on the archeological data obtained from the analysis of the images of the nine-story rock-carved pagoda depicted on the Rock-carved Buddhas in Tapgok Valley at Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju, and the gilt-bronze rail fragments excavated from the lecture hall at the site of Hwangnyongsa Temple, the wooden pagoda would appear to have originally been an octagonal nine-story pagoda with a dual structure, rather than a simple rectangular wooden structure.

Formative Stages of Establishing Royal Tombs Steles and Kings' Calligraphic Tombstones in Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 능비(陵碑)의 건립과 어필비(御筆碑)의 등장)

  • Hwang, Jung Yon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.4
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    • pp.20-49
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    • 2009
  • This paper explores the Korean royal tombs steles such as monumental steles and tombstone marks (神道碑, 表石) that are broadly fallen into the following three periods ; the 15~16th centuries, 17th~18th centuries, and 19th century. As a result, the royal tombs steles were built, unlike the private custom, on the heirs to the King's intentions. During the 15~17th centuries the construction and reconstruction of the monumental steles took place. In the late Joseon period, monumental steles had been replaced with a number of tombstone marks were built to appeal to the king's calligraphy carved on stone for the first time. During the Great Empire Han(大韓帝國) when the Joseon state was upgraded the empire, Emperors Gojong and Sunjong devoted to honor ancestors by rebuilding royal tombstone mark. Based on these periodical trends, it would not be exaggerated that the history of establishing the royal tombs steles formed in late Joseon. The type of royal tombs monuments originated from those of the Three Kingdoms era, a shapeless form, the new stele type of the Tang Dynasty (唐碑) has influenced on the building of monuments of the Unified Silla and Buddhist honorable monuments (塔碑) of the Goryeo Dynasty. From the 15th century, successive kings have wished to express the predecessors's achievements, nevertheless, the officials opposed it because the affairs of the King legacy (國史) were all recorded, so there is no need to establish the tombs steles. Although its lack of quantity, each Heonneung and Jereung monumental steles rebuilt in 1695 and 1744 respectively, is valuable to show the royal sculpture of the late Joseon period. Since the 15th century, the construction of the royal tombs monumental steles has been interrupted, the tombstone marks (boulders) with simpler format began to be erected within the tomb precincts. The Yeoneung tombstone mark(寧陵表石), built in 1682, shows the first magnificent scale and delicate sculpture technique. Many tombstone marks were erected since the 1740s on a large scale, largely caused by King Yeongjo's announce to the honorific business for the predecessors. Thanks to King Yeongjo's such appealing effort, over 20 pieces of tombstone marks were established during his reign. The fact that his handwritten calligraphic works first carved on tombstones was a remarkable phenomenon had never been appeared before. Since the 18th century, a double-slab high above the roof(加?石) and rectangular basement of the stele have been accepted as a typical format of the tombstone marks. In front of the stele, generally seal script calligraphic works after a Tang dynasty calligrapher Li Yangbing(李陽氷)'s brushwork were engraved. In 1897 when King Gojong declared the Empire, these tombstone marks were once again produced in large amounts. Because he tried to find the legitimacy of the Empire in the history of the Joseon dynasty and its four founding fathers in creating the monuments both of the front and back sides by carving his in-person-calligraphy as a ruler representing his symbolic authority. The tombstone marks made during this period, show an abstract sculpture features with the awkward techniques, and long and slim strokes. As mentioned above, the construction of monumental steles and tombstone marks is a historical and remarkable phenonenon to reveal the royal funeral custom, sculpture techniques, and successive kings' efforts to honor the royal predecessors.

An Examination into the Illegal Trade of Cultural Properties (문화재(文化財)의 국제적 불법 거래(不法 去來)에 관한 고찰)

  • Cho, Boo-Keun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.37
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    • pp.371-405
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    • 2004
  • International circulation of cultural assets involves numerous countries thereby making an approach based on international law essential to resolving this problem. Since the end of the $2^{nd}$ World War, as the value of cultural assets evolved from material value to moral and ethical values, with emphasis on establishing national identities, newly independent nations and former colonial states took issue with ownership of cultural assets which led to the need for international cooperation and statutory provisions for the return of cultural assets. UNESCO's 1954 "Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict" as preparatory measures for the protection of cultural assets, the 1970 "Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property" to regulate transfer of cultural assets, and the 1995 "Unidroit Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects" which required the return of illegally acquired cultural property are examples of international agreements established on illegal transfers of cultural assets. In addition, the UN agency UNESCO established the Division of Cultural Heritage to oversee cultural assets related matters, and the UN since its 1973 resolution 3187, has continued to demonstrate interest in protection of cultural assets. The resolution 3187 affirms the return of cultural assets to the country of origin, advises on preventing illegal transfers of works of art and cultural assets, advises cataloguing cultural assets within the respective countries and, conclusively, recommends becoming a member of UNESCO, composing a forum for international cooperation. Differences in defining cultural assets pose a limitation on international agreements. While the 1954 Convention states that cultural assets are not limited to movable property and includes immovable property, the 1970 Convention's objective of 'Prohibiting and preventing the illicit import, export and transfer of ownership of cultural property' effectively limits the subject to tangible movable cultural property. The 1995 Convention also has tangible movable cultural property as its subject. On this point, the two conventions demonstrate distinction from the 1954 Convention and the 1972 Convention that focuses on immovable cultural property and natural property. The disparity in defining cultural property is due to the object and purpose of the convention and does not reflect an inherent divergence. In the case of Korea, beginning with the 1866 French invasion, 36 years of Japanese colonial rule, military rule and period of economic development caused outflow of numerous cultural assets to foreign countries. Of course, it is neither possible nor necessary to have all of these cultural properties returned, but among those that have significant value in establishing cultural and historical identity or those that have been taken symbolically as a demonstration of occupational rule can cause issues in their return. In these cases, the 1954 Convention and the ratification of the first legislation must be actively considered. In the return of cultural property, if the illicit acquisition is the core issue, it is a simple matter of following the international accords, while if it rises to the level of diplomatic discussions, it will become a political issue. In that case, the country requesting the return must convince the counterpart country. Realizing a response to the earnest need for preventing illicit trading of cultural assets will require extensive national and civic societal efforts in the East Asian area to overcome its current deficiencies. The most effective way to prevent illicit trading of cultural property is rapid circulation of information between Interpol member countries, which will require development of an internet based communication system as well as more effective deployment of legislation to prevent trading of illicitly acquired cultural property, subscription to international conventions and cataloguing collections.

Healing Effect of 'Creative Writing' on Individual and on Our Age - Focused on the 'Man of Darkness (Vampire)' Symbol - ('창조적 글쓰기'가 개인 및 시대에 미치는 치유적 작용 - '어둠의 남자(Vampire)' 상징을 중심으로 - )

  • Kye-Hee Kim;Ki-Won Kim;Eun-Seun Han
    • Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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    • v.28 no.1
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    • pp.1-49
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    • 2013
  • This article started with 'encounter'. Both authors met around the middle of February and discussed the subject for the inhospital conference presentation scheduled at the break of June. Having conversation like "Movies similar to fairytales heard from childhood are standing out conspicuously among commercial films which are attracting audiences and receiving fervent response these days. This phenomenon is marvelous and mysterious." together, and sharing this and that, the conversation turned naturally to 'Bram Stoker's Dracula', 'Series of Twilight', and 'Warm Bodies', both authors found out the fact that we saw these movies in common with propound impression. Feeling our hearts beating high, bit of fear and hesitation followed simultaneously at the moment when both of us encountered the idea to choose subject of conference presentation related to this and expressed one in words. While preparing for the conference, presenting to others, and having discussion with the audience, our hearts have been filled with Presentation was finished after active discussion beyond fixed hour and it also brought audience (among those present) to show strong emotional response both positively and negatively. At first, we just had a thought to put aside the content of presentation, but we felt lack of something else, lingering in our minds. We finally decided to accomplish our work into an article leading to submission, based on the advice and recommendation from one of the audience. This article is a small 'creative writing' born by sharing both authors' passion and enthusiasm. In the first part of this article, we have introduced the dream of 31-year-old woman's which led to the 'creative writing' and spotlighted her personal life, before and after the dream. In the second part, we have examined the consequence (way of realization) and meaning of creative impulse shown from or experienced from personal unconsciousness (dream, fantasy) together. Creative impulse shown from the individual appeared to bring creative transformation of individual personality through the process of 'introversion'. Otherwise it also appeared to be delivered as a masterpiece through 'creative writing' or from the process of 'extroversion'. Sometimes both consequences happened at once. We tried to examine and interpret the dream of 31-year-old woman's, which was introduced in the first part of this article, that is to say, the dream of 'Stephenie Meyer's, the author of the 'love between vampire boy and ordinary human girl' themed novel 'Twilight Series', in a psychoanalytic perspective. In the third part, highlighting individual dreams and three different movies 'Bram Stoker's Dracula', 'Twilight Series', and 'Warm Bodies', we found the transformation of symbol 'Man of Darkness, vampire' seen in each individual dreams and in some specific popular arts, such as novels and movies, receiving fervent response from people. We also found love between this symbol and humane woman, bearing fruit together with very impressive change shown in the attitude of 'Man of Darkness' (vampire)'s conscious ego and mutual relationship pattern. We contemplated this phenomenon, the reason why these events happen, and what kind of association presents among these events, individual, and this era and discussed the effects on individuals and this era, at present. 'Creative impulse', originated in the deep structure of human mind is realized as a 'transformation of individual personality' or masterpiece through artistic creation. If it has a chance to make a match with this era, shared by a lot of contemporary people, it also appears to bring positive effect as healing and salvation to each individual or to each era. From this article, we mainly highlighted positive and healing aspects of individual 'creative impulse'. We hope to deal with the negative consequences and their reason coming from 'creative impulse', if the occasion arises, in the future with a new article.

A Study on the Current Status and Location Characteristics of Stone Jangseung - Focusing on Doljangseung in Daejeon Area - (돌장승의 현황 및 입지특성에 관한 연구 - 대전지역 돌장승을 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Dong-Hun;Heo, Sang-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.42 no.1
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    • pp.1-13
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    • 2024
  • This study requires a strict distinction between the sculptures we call 'Jangseung' because their origins, history, or functions are different from each other. Therefore, a theoretical consideration was made through the origin and history of Jangseung. Currently, Jangseung is widely distributed throughout the country, but the Honam region shows the largest distribution, and 73 out of 167 locations nationwide remain in the Chungcheongnam-do region. Among these, there are 54 stone jangseungs in Jeollanam-do, 37 in Jeollabuk-do, and 19 in Jeollabuk-do. In particular, the original shape of the stone jangseungs in the Honam region is well preserved, and as a center of the agricultural economy, the jangseung culture is active in this region. It was popular, and many stone jangseungs were built in the Daejeon area amid social changes in the late Joseon Dynasty. However, in the South Chungcheong region, there is not much culture about stone jangseungs, but there is a village meaning and consciousness that stone jangseungs have, but it is true that research on stone jangseungs is insufficient in various aspects. Among them, the form of the stone jangseung built between the 17th and 19th centuries is a sculpture that contrasts with the wooden pillar-type jangseung that is common in the central region, and shows the simple mentality of the people of the Daejeon region without any embellishment. Through Jangseung, we were able to discover the unconscious and potential creativity of national aesthetic consciousness. Therefore, the purpose is to trace the change process of the stone jangseung in the Daejeon area, investigate the functional aspects of this structure, and based on this, examine the various current status and locational characteristics of the so-called stone jangseung. In addition, the wooden figures and stone statues that are now commonly known as Jangseung were each erected in different times and for different reasons. Centering around Daejeon, the study attempted to research and identify representative stone monuments or 'stone jangseungs' that appear as stone statues, and even suggest their form through locational characteristics and suggestions. As a result, traditional jangseungs have changed in various forms as times change, reaching their present form, and the religious elements of modern jangseungs made and erected today are weakened or disappeared, and are used as symbolic symbols or sculptures of tradition. Although it has lost its traditional function as an object of village faith, it functions as a milestone or sign at the entrance to a village or event site, or as an exhibition in special places. It was found that the modern jangseung is a representative symbol of Korean traditional culture and is being re-created as an artistic sculpture that expresses common, simple, natural beauty and humor. Therefore, through this study, based on more specific and systematic investigation and research on the jangseung, it was materialized into a more developed form considering its utilization plan to prevent miscellaneous spirits from entering the village through the currently existing stone jangseung and to improve the spatial space accordingly. It is believed that what is located at the entrance can greatly convey its meaning. Therefore, it is judged necessary to maintain the strong characteristics of folk religion without the sophistication of foreign religions for various deities.