• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.31-70
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• 2017

On December 9, 2016, the decision of impeachment of the National Assembly decided against Park Geun-hye came from the nomination conflicts of the 20th general election between Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group at the ruling Saenuri Party. Therefore, this study focused on the nomination conflicts of the ruling party and the opposition party on the election results in the 20th general election on the public sentiment of the people. The nomination conflicts of the ruling and opposite parties were a prelude to the victory of the 19th presidential election, and it was serious faction conflict. Firstly, the study examined how the nomination conflicts of each party were centered on President Park Geun-hye as well as the leaders of each party and the chairman of the nomination committee. Secondly, the study examined what kind of changes would be made to the composition of presidential candidates for each party at the time of the presidential election. Thirdly, the study examined the opposition parties' separation between the Minjoo Party of Korea and the People's Party of Korea before and after the election and the issue of initiative in Honam. As a result of the analysis, the 20th general election failed to obtain a majority seat of the ruling Saenuri Party, and the opposition won and formed the majority. The reason why President Park and Saenuri were greatly defeated in the contest even in the situation where the opposition parties were divided is the root cause in the attitude of Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group who assumed their victory. Therefore, it is highly possible to render its responsibility to President Park Geun-hye, who has become a 'past power', and it has opened up the possibility that the emergence of future power by opposition parties. In the case of the opposition party, it is clear that the battle for Honam, which is a traditional opposition party's support group, is a matter of good fortune of the two major powers, Moon Jae In and Ahn Cheol Soo.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.275-298
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• 2015

This paper is to examine in detail the relevant aspects of "Nature" and "Elegant Beauty" appearring in Cho, Chi-Hoon's poems and poetics. It uses the same context to explain the reasons and grounds for the inevitable, corresponding closely to his poetry and poetics. It is the core of Cho Chi-Hoon's poetry to determine "natural" new artistic views and his vision of ultra-modernism. This is consistent with the precise feature of "Elegant Beauty" in the midst of aesthetic categories profoundly discusseing his poetics. He regards a "lyric" as a vision of ultra-modernism, to overcome divisions and conflicts of values, "Truth Good Beauty", which was caused by modern science. Furthermore, it includes many social issues in accordance with the differentiation and specialization of each area. It is inferred to have been attempted to produce specifically was found to shape new images of "Nature" in the dimension of his poems, "Elegant Beauty" is overwhelmed with the aesthetic excellence of the other categories in the dimension of his poetics in this context.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.139-176
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• 2011

Non-regular workers came to the fore while working class formation was in retreat along with the democratic labor movement of regular workers. The formation of principal agents, however, is yet to occur. Then, why non-regular workers' struggles could not yield a consequence in that regard? What kind of factors are to determine the outcome of the struggles and how do they do it? It is the aim of this study to answer those questions. In contrast with regular workers' struggles, non-regular workers' struggles tend to break out in response to capitalist offensives, rely on atypical and, often, extreme measures of struggle rather than strike in the form of work stoppage, drag out for too long, and appeal for social solidarity outside when the solidarity of regular workers is not available. Non-regular workers' struggles tend to end up with failure rather than success, and with weakening rather than strengthening of their organizational strength. So as to overcome the tendency to fail, non-regular workers' struggles need regular workers' solidarity in addition to their own strong mobilization power, while social solidarity or positional power could substitute for regular workers' solidarity in some cases. So as to build up their organizational strength, non-regular workers' struggles should win victories in the struggles, while a victory could turn into a trap in the case of conversion. Both regular workers' solidarity and the internal integration of the struggles are two foremost important factors in achieving the victory of struggles and the building-up of organizational strength. Those who have got involved in struggles are from the best organized sector among all the non-regular workers. As they have gone through weakening of organizational strength, it becomes more difficult for non-regular workers to form principal agents. Without non-regular workers' struggles, however, the capitalist offensives must have carried the day. In that sense, non-regular workers' struggles did a role in at least detaining capitalist offensives, if not stopping them. The practical implication of non-regular workers' struggles is that, if non-regular workers redefine the ultimate goal of their struggles as the formation of their principal agents for working class formation, it would be a strategically rational choice to identify the strategic objective of struggles with the maintaining and strengthening of their organizational strength rather than the achievement of their immediate demands.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.223-254
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• 2009

This thesis is aimed at researching the formation of democracy in socialist China. Due to a sense of cultural superiority on the basis of their developed civilization, they already formed a strong cultural nationalism, which has come to firm up into "Sinocentrism" through long periods of time. However, there arose a sense of crisis due to the Western invasion after the Opium War and the intellectuals in China happened to seek the solution to rescuing their mother land from ruin; in the midst of this process, the theory of social evolution of the West was introduced and accepted. The acceptance of this theory of social evolution gradually transformed in confrontation with a logical limit that China defeated in international competition could not but be plundered by imperialism after all, but it contributed to Chinese intellectuals' forming the concept of the modern state nationalism of the West deviating from cultural Sinocentrism. After the Russian Revolution, a large number of Chinese progressive intellectuals developed their socialist movement with the recognition that Marxism was a practicable alternative to rescue China from its crisis. The Chinese Communist Party was under guidance of the Comintern from the early process of its formation, in which they emphasized the fact the national liberation struggle in colonialized countries was an indispensable element in the world communist movement under the condition of the control of the world by imperialist capital at that time and subsequently, Marxism characterized by resistant nationalism in China gained its cause. Afterwards, the People's Republic of China was established by the Chinese Communists which came to get widespread support from the Chinese through anti-imperialism &feudalism in the process of the Sino-Japanese War, and thus China equipped with a full-blown socialism system set sails. However, with the relations with the Soviet Union getting worse under the international conditions of a cold war, the development of the Chinese socialism couldn't but resort to the concentrated power of its people, which was linked to the boost of continuous patriotism of the Chinese Communists. Particularly, due to the newly-emerging contradictions after reform & opening [gig kifng], China underwent disruption; thus, as an ideology to integrate such disruptive elements, Sinocentrism based on China's cultural pride re-appeared. Recently, a very strong form of Sinocentrism has come to the fore as their superiority of traditional cultures is emphasized in China whose international position as an economic power has been raised.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.9-54
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• 2019

Since the birth of melodrama in the early Enlightenment era, it has flowed through various cultures and media. In order to grasp the principle of differentiation of melodrama and the direction of its change, a developmental approach to the formation process of melodrama is necessary. In this regard, this paper examines the formation process of modern melodrama and its aesthetic features around the time of the French Revolution. The modern melodrama was formed in the period between the end of the 18th century and the start of the 19th century. It was born at the intersectional point of the contradictions of the modern imagination and the political paradox of the French Revolution, which demanded an autonomous citizenship but did not recognize a woman as a citizen. The aesthetic of women's sacrifice and tears reproduced in the modern melodrama is a political aspiration to restore a corrupt society by glamorizing a woman as a moral icon. This was an icon to save a society under divide and crisis and a coordination of emotions to conceal sexist violence in the politics of the exclusion of women. The aesthetic of women's sacrifice and tears reproduced in modern melodrama has consistently been considered under negative evaluation such as a play of moral hypocrisy and vulgar drama. However, the academic interest in melodrama in the 1970s has been amplified due to the "Sirk-melo" which is a transition to the new aesthetic of women's sacrifice and tears, encompassing not only women, but also races and classes. In modern society, entering the era of uncertainty, where various social problems, national disasters, and global disasters have become commonplace, 'the aesthetic of women's sacrifice and tears' are shifting from gender differences to various victim narratives. Reviewing new theoretical trends and changes of recent melodrama as well as analyzing specific works are left as follow-up tasks.Since the birth of the melodrama in the early Enlightenment era, it has flowed through various cultures and media. In order to grasp the principle of differentiation of melodrama and the direction of its change, a developmental approach to the formation process of melodrama is basically necessary. In this regard, this paper examines the formation process of modern melodrama and its aesthetic features around the time of the French Revolution.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.40
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• pp.111-136
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• 2020

Agricultural high schools are undergoing a change their name from the mid-1950s to the 2000s. Although it varies slightly depending on the case, it has been changed from 'rural forests' to 'agricultural farms' or 'agricultural industries' and 'life sciences high schools' in turn. In several aricultural high schools had managed Nongak Department(class), it's guarantees the continuity of Korea's traditional folk art. Examples include entertainment and farming in Honam region of Jeonju aricultural high School in North Jeolla Province, Geumsan aricultural high School in South Chungcheong Province, Gimcheon aricultural high School in North Gyeongsang Province. Therefore, the interpretation and significance of studies should follow. This method of Nongak education in modern school institutions is a new phenomenon in the history of Nongak after modern time, the emergence of a whole new pattern of professional entertainment Nongak after paving and Female-Nongak, as well as local traditional folk music. Education here was conducted in such a way that the best performers of the time were invited as guidance teachers among traditional folk artists. Thus, various local and professional music and entertainment were able to be promoted Apart from the social relations of delay, social progress, and economy, the education of farming and music, which consists of teachers and students in public schools, has provided an environment where unlimited freedom is allowed for art forms. In other words, the conditions for a new performance style experiment and creative fusion were met, and the foundation for the development of professional musical performers who had acquired individualized talents from previous generations was laid down in the context of the phenomenon of active stage music and theater performance of outstanding in the culture of Nongak. In other words, the Department of Agriculture and aricultural high school was a very free space compared to other communities' and economic community's agricultural music in social relationships bound by traditional cultural customs. This is why they have created a new style of performance through a new experiment and a different traditional performance repertoire, and their activities have led to a more stylistic expansion from traditional farming. More importantly, the figures who came across Agricultural Nongak department became the main experts of traditional Korean folk music nowdays. Thus, Nongak Department, operated by the Agriculture and Forestry High School, was a space where would give a very important meaning in terms of Nongak history.

• Journal of Yeungnam Medical Science
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.150-165
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• 2005

Purpose: This study was conducted to investigate the prognostic factors of postpsychotic depressive symptoms in patients with schizophrenia. Materials and Methods: Eighty patients were selected based on the diagnostic criteria from the DSM-IV, PANSS and ESRS. For all patients information was collected on demographic and clinical characteristics. The subjective depressive symptoms and the objective depressive symptoms, as well as patients insight regarding psychosis were evaluated. The subjective depressive symptoms were evaluated by BDI and ZDS; the objective depressive symptoms were evaluated by HDRS and CDSS, and patient insight into the psychosis was evaluated by KISP. Results: The comparisons using demographic and clinical characteristics showed that HDRS and CDSS had significant difference with regard to gender and suicide attempts; the BDI was associated with difference in education level and age of onset. The patients with scores above cuff-off score for each scale were 20(25.0%) for the BDI, 16(20.0%) for the ZDS, 18(22.5%) for the CDSS and 6(7.5%) for the HDRS. The results of the stepwise multiple regression analysis showed that the scores for the KISP, education levels, gender and suicide attempts were the main prognostic factors in patients with the psychotic depressive disorder of schizophrenia. Conclusion: The main prognostic factors in psychotic depressive disorder of schizophrenia included: insight into psychosis, suicidal attempts. Insight into the psychosis was the most reliable prognostic factor but this characteristic had a negative relationship to the with depressive symptoms.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.42
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• pp.505-524
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• 2016

This study examines the ways District 9, a film released in 2009, reworks the sci-fi genre to explore the human encounter with "other" alien populations. Like Avatar, released in the same year, District 9 addresses the tropes of conflict over land and human-alien hybridity and introduces non-humans and aliens, not as invaders, but as objects of human oppression and cruelty. Unlike many other science fiction films where the encounter between humans and non-humans occurs in an unidentifiable future time and location, District 9 crosses genre barriers to engage with urban realism, producing a social critique of contemporary urban population problems. The arrival of aliens in District 9 occurs as part of the recorded human past and the film's action is carried out in the present time in the specifically identified city of Johannesburg. A distinctly anti-Hollywood film that locates the action at the street level, District 9 plays out human anxieties about contact with others by referencing the divisions and conflicts historically attached to South Africa's sprawling metropolis and its current problems of urban poverty and illegal immigrants. Focusing on how this particular urban setting frames the film, the study investigates the ways Blomkamp's sci-fi film about extra-terrestrials presents a curious postcolonial mix of aliens and immigrants surviving in abject conditions in an urban slum and forces a realistic examination of the contemporary social problems faced by South Africa's largest city and by extension other major global cities. The paper also examines the film's representation of the human-alien hybrid and its potential as a force to resist human exploitation of the other. It also claims that though the setting is highly local, District 9 speaks to a wider global audience by making obvious the exploitative practices of profit-seeking multinationals. A sci-fi film that is keen on making a social commentary on urban population conflicts, District 9 resonates with the wider sense of insecurity and fear of others that form the horizon of the uncertain and potentially violent contemporary human world.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.73-81
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• 2017

In April 2009, in the wake of President Obama's Prague speech, the international community held four nuclear sec urity summits from 2010 to 2016 to promote nuclear security and prevent nuclear terrorism. The Nuclear Security S ummit has made significant progress in preventing terrorists from attempting to acquire nuclear weapons or fissile materials, but it still has limitations and problems. To solve this problem, the international community should resume the joint efforts for strengthening bilateral cooperation and multilateral nuclear security regime, and the participating countries should strive to protect their own nuclear materials and fulfill their commitments to secure nuclear facilitie s. Second, the United Nations(UN), the IAEA(International Atomic Energy Agency), International Criminal Police Or ganization(INTERPOL), the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear Terrorism(GICNT), and the Global Partnership(G P) must continue their missions to promote nuclear security in accordance with the five action plans adopted at the Fourth Nuclear Security Summit. Third, the participating countries should begin discussions on the management and protection of military nuclear materials that could not be covered by the Nuclear Security Summit. Fourth, the intern ational community must strive to strengthen the implementation of the Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuc lear Material(CPPNM) Amendment and International Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrori sm(ICSANT), prepare for cyber attacks against nuclear facilities, and prevent theft, illegal trading and sabotage invo lving nuclear materials.