• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.54-77
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• 2020

Produced during the Goryeo period (718-1392), the statue of the monk Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple in Hapcheon is almost life-size, with a height of 82.4 cm, a width of 66.6 cm at the knees, and a maximum width of 44 cm at the torso (front and back). Notably, it is the only known example of an East Asian Buddhist sculpture made from wood and dry lacquer that was formed by joining the front and back halves. However, a similar technique was used on a dry lacquer statue of the Medicine Buddha at Cheongnyangsa Temple in Bonghwa, which is estimated to date from the late Goryeo or early Joseon period. As such, this technique is thought to represent this particular time period. In an eighteenth-century travelogue about a trip to Mt. Gayasan, the author describes a sculpture that is believed to be the statue of Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple, based on various unique features that closely correspond to the sculpture's current appearance. For example, the sculpture is said to have a hole in the chest and rough, knobby tendons and bones, two features that can still be seen today. Another sculpture of a Buddhist monk who was active in the western regions during the third and fourth century also has a hole in the chest, which is said to be a symbol of spiritual strength. The travelogue also states that the statue was lacquered black at the time, which means that it must have been painted with its present colors some time in the nineteenth century. Over time, the sculpture has been enshrined in various halls of Haeinsa Temple, including Haehaengdang, Jinsangjeon, and later Josajeon (Hall of the Patriarchs), and Bojangjeon. Records show that images of Buddhist monks, or "seungsang," were produced in Korea as early as the Three Kingdoms period (18 BCE-660 CE), but few of these works have survived. At present, only four such sculptures are extant, including the images of Huirang Daesa from the Goryeo period, and those of Monk Naong and Uisang Daesa from the Joseon period. Of these, the sculpture of Huirang Daesa has special significance for its early production date (i.e., CE. tenth century), outstanding production techniques, and superb artistic quality, realistically capturing both the external appearance and internal character of the subject. The tradition of producing, sanctifying, and worshipping statues of monks was prevalent not only in Korea, but also in China and Japan. However, each country developed its own preferred materials and techniques for producing these unique images. For example, while China has a large number of mummified Buddhist images (yuksinbul), Japan produced diverse images with various materials (e.g., dry lacquer, wood, clay) according to period. But despite the differences in materials and techniques, the three nations shared the same fundamental purpose of expressing and honoring the inherent spirituality of the monks.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.55-68
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• 2020

The inscription found on buncheong ware (粉靑沙器, grayish-blue-powdered celadon) provides information on the bowl today, but in the past served as a device for controlling tributary payments (貢納) and the movement of government property (官物). The inscription had to be written or engraved clearly so that it could be recognizable to officials in charge of managing bowls. Such inscriptions offer important clues for contemporary research on buncheong ware. Buncheong Bowl with Stamped Design and Inscription of "Naeja" (內子) (bon 13808) in the collection of the National Museum of Korea bears a distinct inscription compared to other buncheong ware. Commonly, the inscription on buncheong indicated the name of the government office (官司名) to which the vessel belonged or the name of the place (地名) where the vessel was produced. However, the inscription "Naeja" on the buncheong bowl at the National Museum of Korea has no corresponding government office. "Naeja" is in fact a misspelling of Naeja (內資), meaning this bowl belonged to the Naejasi (內資寺, Royal Bureau of Procurement). Although "Naeja" (內子) was a misspelling of the intended Naeja (內資), it was still understood as a reference to the Naejasi since they were homophonic. Recently, buncheong ware with misspelled yet homophonous inscriptions have begun to be excavated in downtown Seoul. Examples including "Naeja" (內子) instead of Naeja (內資) and "Insu" (仁守) instead of Insu (仁壽) have been unearthed from historical sites in Seoul that functioned as consumption sites, meaning they were in fact circulated as government property despite the misspellings (whether accidental or the outcome of ignorance). Such misspelled yet homophonous inscriptions are characterized by the use of simple characters and a few sloppy strokes. Like other buncheong ware bearing the inscriptions of government office names, the bowls with the inscriptions of "Naeja" (內子) and "Insu" (仁守) were discovered at historical sites in Seoul. These misspelled homophonous inscriptions reveal that errors occurred during the process of engraving inscriptions on buncheong ware produced as a tributary payment during the early Joseon Dynasty and that buncheong ware with such errors were still distributed.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.43-78
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• 2011

The two schools which eventually came to form the "Northerners party" in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty, were Nam'myeong school and Hwadam school. Nam'myeong's philosophy, which emphasized the importance and merit of acting upon respect and righteousness(敬義), encouraged many people to organize righteous militias during the war with the Japanese in the 1590s, and when Jeong In-hong established himself as the leader of the Northerners party during the reign of King Gwang'hae-gun, the philosophy of the party and the school continued to thrive. Also, Hwadam's philosophy, which tried to understand Neo-Confucianism from a flexible point of view and demonstrated a level of openness toward it, had a considerable influence upon the Northerners school as well. It seems Nam'myeong Jo Shik and Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok were the ones who ultimately enabled the Northerners party to be more active in their operations of the government and also to approach more freely toward the ideology of Neo-Confucianism. Prime examples of the party's stance and attitude, and also of the school's philosophy and perception of the world, were figures like Jeong In-hong and Heo Gyun from the 'Majority Northerners(大北) party,' and Kim Shin-guk and Nam I-gong from the 'Minority Northerners(小北) party.'Since the time of King Injo's ascension to the throne in 1623, the philosophical society of Joseon came to be occupied by schools who were deeply committed and dedicated to the teachings of Ju Hi and his Neo-Confucianism, such as the Twe'gye and Yulgok schools, and as a result the Northerners' philosophy was pushed away from its former formidable status. Their political philosophy was also partially responsible for their fall, as they believed only them were the ideal Confucian figures(君子黨), and never appreciated the stances of other political factions. In the middle of the 17th century, passing through a war with the Manchurian Qing dynasty as well, they further became a mere undercurrent. Yet their thinking and philosophy partially survived, as it managed to affect and influence the Southerner school scholars who were living in the vicinity of the capital in the mid and late 17th century, as well as the "Shilhak" scholars such as Yi Ik/李瀷 in the 18th century, on a certain level. The Northerners faction was a party and a school which led the political and philosophical societies of Joseon, alongside the Westerners and Southerners, in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty. Recently, studies of Jo Shik and Seo Gyeong-deok, figures who were the roots of the Northerners faction, and studies of how the Northerners' political philosophy was inherited to the following generations, have been published and announced. All these efforts will enrich future studies dealing with the political history and philosophical history of the middle and latter periods of the Joseon dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.195-223
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• 2012

Until now, I guess, many scholars misunderstood the characteristic of economic awareness of Yi Hang-no as if it was a modern nationalism or radicalism against Japanese anti-Korean insistences. But I think these opinions are out of historical attitude. So to understand Yi's economic awareness correctly, I think, We should focus on the traditional Confucian thought system at that time. As one method to reach the goal, I focused on the word, Jeong-jeon-je: Oriental equal land system. Yi Hang-no put the importance on Jeong-jeon-je to make utopia he dreamed of. Yi thought Jeong-jeon-je is the basis of equal society and strong state. Also Yi thought a moral society would be achieved by Jeong-jeon-je because the equal land system, so called Jeong-jeon-je provide peasants with equal lands, so it makes peasants stable in economic situation. Especially, Yi Hang-no put importance on that Jeong-jeon-je would raise moral consciousness of people because equal economic condition makes people wealthy, so people would be good men naturally. Yi Hang-no explain it in basis of Insim-Dosim-seol: a theory of two minds bad & good to be. Yi Hang-no thought equal economic condition is the basis of making people moral being. He thought Jeong-jeon-je was a basis of the condition. Reversely, Yi thought Western insists of trade was the beginning of making people fight for individual benefit, so it produces devil selfishness out of human mind. That was the reason that Yi Hang-no opposed the trade with Western Powers. Eventually Yi's assertion of embargo came out of his Insim-Dosim-seol. In this context, Yi's Jeong-jeon-je was insisted as a method to raise human moral consciousness.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.154-169
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• 2021

The establishment of the Bronze Age is one of the most important achievements suggested by Korean archaeology shortly after liberation. There is no doubt that Moo-Byung Yoon is the representative figure, who refuted the ambiguous Eneolithic age (金石倂用期) created by Japanese scholars and settled the concept of the Bronze Age. In this article, the author takes a new look at Yoon's institutional role in studying the Bronze Age in Korea. Until now, Yoon's representative achievement has been his typology of the Slender dagger of the Korean Peninsula. However, it is not less important that Yoon also established the Bronze Age concept with the excavation of a dolmen and a Bronze Age subterranean dwelling in Oksok-ni, Paju during the 1960s. Of course, it was not a personal assignment for Yoon. He was aided by Prof. Kim Won-Yong's work, who had introduced newly excavated materials from North Korea and China; these materials gave some insight for establishing the Bronze Age concepts in the 1960 and 1970s. Kim's suggestion about the possibility of a Korean Bronze Age led to Yoon's refined typological study on Korea's bronze wares. However, Yoon's excessive schematic classification of artifacts and reliance on the Japanese chronology became an obstacle for making the Korean Bronze Age isolated from East Asia. As a result, it is regrettable that his research led to the "cultural lag" phenomenon of Bronze Age research. Meanwhile, Japanese archaeology, which had influenced Yoon, also faced a major change. In 2003, the Japanese archaeological community revised the Yayoi culture's beginning around the 1,000 BC. This means a shift in the perception that we should understand Japan's Bronze Age in the context of the East Asian continent. Of course, it is not appropriate to reevaluate or denigrate Yoon's research from the current view. Rather, it is necessary to recognize the limitations of Yoon's time and present a new path to research by combining the archaeological tradition of refining research on the relics he maintained with a new chronological view and a macro view of East Asian archaeology. This is why we should take a new glimpse into Yoon's research.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.251-276
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• 2020

The purpose of this article is to critically read Globalizing Borderlands Studies in Europe and North America to examine trends in border studies conducted so far in Europe and North America and to discuss the expandability and limitations of the narrative. It introduces a variety of case studies covering the borderlands of Europe and North America from ancient to modern times. It consists of a total of 10 chapters, in addition to the introduction chapter to clarify the purpose and definition of the collaboration and the short conclusion chapter on the prospects for the future of borderlands studies. This volume has some important implications for current borderland research in two main respects. First, it can introduce us we the areas and targets that the leading researchers from European and North American academia (usually the United States') have paid attention to. It also examines the current status of borderland research and predicts whether it will be possible to study various border areas where exist in other regions (especially in Asia) based on accumulating academic achievements, as well as the possibility of expansion of so-called 'globalization'. Second, it introduces the borderland as a conceptual space, beyond the border area as a physical space that is commonly thought of when it comes to 'border'. Cases of "conceptual borderlands" can be applied to a number of topics ranging from an individual's identities to the methods of governance, religions, economies, social institutions, families, labor issues, public health services and gender issues. There are, however, also some questions to be noted in the volume: the lack of consistent use of terminology, which can be considered general problems of collaboration studies; the fact that the authors still tend to understand borderlands within the imperialist discourse, perhaps because of their academic background is situated mainly in Europe and North America; the borderlands cases described here as the areas of conflict and struggle only. Nevertheless, the book is of significance in that it suggests a possibility of various borderlands studies and helps us to have better understanding of the current geopolitical situation imposed on the Korean Peninsula, which is located on the borderland between the continental and maritime powers.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.24-48
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• 2022

Bronze mirrors found in pagodas were regarded as simple offerings and thus have received little attention in studies. Furthermore, the few studies on bronze mirrors enshrined in pagodas have focused on the line-engraved mirrors found in the pagodas of the Kingdom of Wuyue; therefore, it is difficult to understand the general characteristics of the bronze mirrors enshrined in the pagodas. This study assumes that the bronze mirrors found in many pagodas in the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty were enshrined for a specific purpose. To explore this assumption and accurately understand the artifacts, this study focuses on the location and method of enshrinement. The number of bronze mirrors enshrined in pagodas increased during the Kingdom of Wuyue, with the mirrors expressing statues and inscriptions related to Buddhism rather than being simple offerings. This shows that the purpose of the bronze mirror changed. The influence of the Kingdom of Wuyue continued during the Song dynasty; however, the pattern of bronze mirror enshrinement changed due to the culture and social atmosphere of the time. The most common types of enshrined bronze mirrors were plain, and bronze mirrors from the Dang dynasty were also used consistently. Plain bronze mirrors were used more frequently in this period despite the lingering influence of the Kingdom of Wuyue because it was less laborious to engrave images and inscriptions such as the inscription of Buddha. Additionally, bronze mirrors were valued during this period because of the attention toward the imitation of the archaic bronze(仿古銅器) of the Song dynasty and the influence of the emperor. Moreover, it is believed that bronze mirrors were enshrined in pagodas as offerings as they were deemed valuable at the time. There was a change in the method of enshrining bronze mirrors in pagodas during the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty. During this time, bronze mirrors that were positioned on the floor or in iron boxes were intentionally attached to walls or hung from the ceiling. This method was largely divided into two types: attaching to walls or the ceiling(嵌入鏡) and hanging from the ceiling(懸鏡). A typical example of hanging a bronze mirror from the ceiling can be seen in the Jingzhisa Temple Pagoda, and Teng County's Fushengsa Temple Pagoda contains an example of attaching a bronze mirror to the ceiling. The methods of hanging or attaching bronze mirrors to the ceiling were closely related to the methods employed in Chinese tombs. Song dynasty burial chambers had a high and wide structure, so to defend against evil spirits(辟邪用), bronze mirrors were used to protect the burial rooms. Bronze mirrors were, therefore, placed high to illuminate the burial room. This was achieved in the ways mentioned above. As underground chambers became wider and higher, mirrors also protected the important areas of the chambers and illuminated the interiors. Thus, it is believed that the methods of enshrining bronze mirrors in the pagodas during the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty arose from the method of enshrining bronze mirrors in tombs at the time. Thereafter, pagodas, such as the Miaojuesa Temple Pagoda, in which the placement of a bronze mirror was actively considered from the design stage were constructed.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.5
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• pp.52-76
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• 2023

This article focuses on changes in the ginseng industry in the 1930s in areas other than the Government Contract Cultivation (GCC) zones. A major characteristic of the ginseng industry in the 1930s was the rapid increase in the area covered by ginseng gardens: the area was about 212 ha in 1929 and 252 ha in 1930 and 1931 but soared to around 441 ha in 1938. This occurred because the non-GCC areas increased significantly during this period. Until the early 1930s, the ratio of GCC to non-GCC areas was 70:30. By the late 1930s, however, the ratio had changed to 53:47. The reason for this change was that the area of the newly established ginseng gardens in the GCC zones had decreased, while that of the non-GCC ginseng gardens had steadily increased. Due to the Japanese invasion of China, China boycotted red ginseng, and exports were sluggish, so the GCC areas were reduced. On the other hand, the non-GCC ginseng gardens were not affected, and the area they covered steadily increased. As a result, in the 1930s, the ginseng industry outside of the GCC areas grew rapidly. The region that led the growth of the ginseng industry outside of the GCC zone was Jeonbuk. By the late 1930s, Jeonbuk dominated the other provinces and accounted for more than 50% of the non-GCC farming zone. Gyeongbuk and Gangwon-do followed Jeonbuk in terms of ginseng cultivation areas. While Gyeonggi-do, Gyeongnam, and Chungbuk were also active in ginseng cultivation, Jeonnam and Chungnam were not active. In the 1930s, the growth of the ginseng industry outside of the GCC zones was driven by the efforts of ginseng farmers and the support of local governments. An examination of Yecheon-gun in Gyeongbuk, Ganghwa-gun in Gyeonggi, and Jecheon-gun in Chungcheongbuk-do showed that ginseng farmers organized cooperatives as the ginseng industry steadily developed in these regions, and these cooperatives worked systematically to cultivate and sell ginseng. In the case of Ganghwa-gun, activities were carried out to incorporate the GCC zone. The Deoksan Ginseng Association in Jecheon-gun determined that financing for cultivation was key and requested subsidies from the provincial government. Administrative authorities also supported the activities of the ginseng farmers. The activities of the farmers and the support of the administrative authorities together led to the growth of the ginseng industry during this period.

• Journal of Consumption Culture
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.143-169
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• 2012

Consumption is the most important cultural keyword in the modern society. This study tried an exploratory comparison of consumer culture of Korea, USA and Sweden in response to the needs on cultural comparison research perspective. Triandis's cultural dimensions were adopted to explore each country's cultural characteristics. A qualitative in-depth interviews were conducted to consumers who lived both in Korea and USA, or in Korea and Sweden, which enabled them to get familiar with each country's consumer culture. The research found that the culture is projected to the consumer culture in a micro domain. The individualism allowed consumers in USA and Sweden to be unconscious of other's eyes. But collectivism in Korea made Korean consumers locked in other's judgement. In contrast, in a macro domain of consumer culture such as donation and pro-environmental consumption, consumption practices were in a dissonance with their cultural orientation, where includes interaction with society and environment. In addition, in a post-materialistic society, symbolism of consumption goods gets weakened and experiential consumption evolves with a transition from mass consumption society to plural culture society. Lastly, consumer culture functions as a creative mechanism of new culture by consumer's reflexive planning, which is one of the clues of an autonomous consumer culture. This study tried to explore the consumer culture of Korea, USA and Sweden as an exploratory trial for the comparison of consumer cultures. To increase empirical consumer culture study, refined questionnaire item pool is to be extracted through various exploratory researches, which can be utilized commonly in various cultures. Moreover, an additional research is in need about a consumer culture in a macro domain and experiential consumer culture in a post-materialism society.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.64-78
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• 2023

This article examines the background and meaning of the construction of Josadang Hall in Buseoksa Temple, Yeongju, by Seolsan Cheonhee(1307~1382) in the late 14th century through the characteristics of the hall's mural. Six guardian deities(the Four Heavenly Kings in the center, Indra and Brahma on each side of the kings) are depicted on the southern wall(location of the entrance) of the Josadang, facing the statue of the great monk Uisang(625~702 AD) on the north wall. This mural is the oldest among Korean temple murals and exhibits very unique characteristics. In general, scenes from the scriptures are depicted on the back wall of the central statue. In contrast, the Josadang mural depicts only the guardian deities facing the main statue with no scene description. The appearance of the deities, who seem to protect the main statue of the monk Uisang, and their expressions, as if drawn from relief statues, are not seen in other murals. Nevertheless, it is similar to the stupas of the Seon(Ch. Chan 禪) sect monks established from the late Silla(57 BC~935 AD) through early Goryeo(918~1392 AD), with guardian deities on their surface. The iconography of the deities is a classic form of the late Silla to early Goryeo. The fact that the Josadang was built to commemorate Uisang, who founded the Korean Hwaeom sect(Ch. Huayan sect, 華嚴宗), and that guardians were placed to protect Uisang's statue reveals the concept of worship for the monk who founded the sect. As a result, the reason Cheonhee built the hall can also be understood as an extension of the ideology behind the construction of the stupas of the Seon sect monks. The problem, however, is that Cheonhee is a monk of the Hwaeom sect, and Buseoksa is a representative temple of the Hwaeom sect, not the Seon sect. Therefore, to better understand the background of the hall's construction, this article examined the situation of Goryeo Buddhism in the 14th century as well as the activities of Seolsan Cheonhee. Since Ganhwa Seon(Ch. Kanhua Chan, 看話禪) was dominant in the 14th century, Cheonhee went to study in the Yuan Dynasty(1271~1368 AD) at the age of 58 and was approved by Chinese Ganhwaseon monks before taking the position of Guksa(國師 national monk). However, he was eventually pushed to Buseoksa Temple, where he worked hard to rebuild it. Cheonhee most likely sought to expand the Hwaeom sect, which had been shrinking compared to the Seon sect, by enhancing power with the reconstruction of Buseoksa. The desire that the Hwaeom sect, which was losing its power due to the rise of the Seon sect in the 14th century, attempted to develop it by building Josadang hall, is well revealed by the Josadang murals.