• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.234-249
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• 2020

The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.1
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• pp.57-67
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• 2017

Based on the study on place name, meaning analysis of buddhist temple Palgyeng, and classifications of instructions and characteristics of writings on rocks, the main results of the study showed the following. Cheongamsa is located in the upstream of Muheulgugok Valley which was run by Hangang Jeong Gu(寒岡 鄭逑), a typical young man in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty, and overlaps with chief monk Byukam Lee Dukjin's(1896~?) object of Cheongamsa Palgyeng during Japanese colonial era. Including the mountain embracing Cheongamsa called Bullyeong-san, various characteristics of writings on rocks such as use of combination of place names including Sudosan, Seonlyeongsan, and Sinseondae, as well as Cheongamsa Temple, Bullyeongdongchun(佛靈洞天), Namuabitabul, Hogye(虎溪), Yeosan Waterfall(廬山瀑布), and Sejinam(洗 塵巖) show co-existence of Confucianism and Taoism mixed together in the temple. Especially for Cheongamsa Valley Hogye and Samsocheon(三笑泉) which is in the precincts of the temple, are realized as the symbol of the scenery of the three religion consilience of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism through announcement using Hogyesamso(虎溪三笑) which originated from Yeosan Donglimsa, Jiangxi, China. Also, there are Yeosan Waterfall with a noble sense of place by negotiating with god, writing on rocks imprinted, and Yeosangyo(廬山橋) in Cheongamsa. As such, cultures of the three religion remain in various layers with the spirit of Hogyosamso symbolizing the consilience and coexistence of the three religion in Cheongamsa without the exclusiveness of Buddhism. Besides, the third precept of Yukhwagyeongbub, known to be practiced in Buddhist temples, which says "Do not only express self-assertion and ignore others" according to the dogma of working together in harmony, is in accordance with the spirits of Hogyesamso. As shown, Gimcheon Cheongamsa which is adorned with cultural landscapes of Hogyesamso, Gugokdongcheon(九曲洞天), and Palgyeng(八景), is not only good enough for the way of Buddhism and Confucianism but also for a place for the three religion consilience embracing the three religion.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.23-36
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to infer the aspects and significance of Musa basjoo of latter part of Chosun Dynasty by analyzing the planting tendency and planting location of Musa basjoos drawn in total 77 old paintings and the characteristics of the paintings where Musa basjoos appeared, while trying to understand symbolic meanings of floral languages as well as the images and significance of Musa basjoos which appeared in the prose and poetry of Chosun Dynasty, and the results are as follows; With its floral languages of 'waiting', 'parting' and 'beauty', Musa basjoo represented the wealth and resuscitation and it aroused the elegance of hermits in its Taoistic sense. And it also represented 'the unworldliness to get out of transient human affairs' in its Buddhistic sense. Musa basjoos which appeared in 'Garden Custom Painting(庭園雅集圖)', 'Gosa Figure Painting(故事人物圖)' and 'Gyehoe Painting(契會圖)' is considered a device to increase the unworldly atmosphere of gardens and to dignify the elegant meetings of scholars, reflected by the high appearance frequencies of cranes and deer. And it seems that the meaning of Musa basjoo in certain paintings like 'Life-time Paintings(平生圖)', 'Castle City Painting(盛市圖), and 'Cultivating and Weaving Painting(耕織圖)' is an aspiration for wealth and prosperity, and the Musa basjoos planted in temples are considered to have symbolic meanings of aspiration for 'Salvation through Belief' as well as a unworldly meaning which reminds the transiency of human affairs. In addition, the expected effect of experiencing 'the sound of rain falling on the leaves of Musa basjoo' has been pursued, which can be confirmed by the fact that Firmiana simlex with wide leaves similar to Musa basjoo can be frequently spotted near the houses. Meanwhile, Musa basjoos seem to have been planted mainly in front garden or side garden around detached house and Musa basjoos inside the houses seem to have been planted mainly in right side when viewed from the entrance, in relation with the location of bedrooms where it is easier to hear the sounds from the right side of the environment. And the paintings where Musa basjoos appear with strange rocks and bizarre stones among other things have greater part of all the paintings, which is considered a kind of intentional landscaping and a product of mixed materials for elegant appreciation. And the major characters of the painting were involved in the activities of scholars such as arts, and the activities of minor characters were greatly related to their everyday lives. Musa basjoo of Chosun Dynasty in $17^{th}$ and $18^{th}$ century was one of the symbols necessary for description of gardens. And it provided the images of rainy scenes together with scholar culture which had a meaning of self-discipline, and it is assumed that the planting of Musa basjoo with the spirit of cease lessen deavor of a new leaf pushing up the tree and the spirit of resuscitation had the same trace of wheels in the city space of our country as the decline of scholar culture of Chosun Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.14-30
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• 2020

This study focuses on the fact that pictorial maps in the late Joseon Dynasty were conceptual diagrams with the place names perceived by the people at the time of their production. In this regard, targeting on five pictorial maps, the humanistic landscape characteristics of Pyongyang, which had cultural identities such as a historically old, commercial, and Pungnyu(appreciation for the arts) city, were derived as follows. First, the historic legitimacy of Pyongyang Castle was represented by ritual and religious facilities. They include 'Dangunjeon' and 'Gijagung' related to the nation founder, 'Munmujeong': the remains of Goguryeo, 'Sajikdan' & 'Pyongyanggangdan': the place of the national rites, Hyanggyo and Seowon: education & rite functions, Buddhism and Taoist facilities, 'Yongsindang', 'Sanshindang', and 'Jesindan': folk religion facilities. Gija-related facilities, which became symbols of Pyongyang due to the importance of Small-Sinocentrism and Gija dignity tendency, were distributed throughout Pyongyang Castle though, the facilities related to King Dongmyeong of Goguryeo and the spaces of religion praying for blessings are spread in Bukseong and on the riverside of Daedonggang each. Second, as a Pyongando Province's economic center, Pyongyang's commercial landscape was represented by logistics and transportation facilities. The Daedonggang River, which was in charge of transportation functions, had many decks such as 'Yangmyeongpo', 'Cheongryongpo' and 'Waeseongjin' and bridges, such as 'Yeongjegyo' and 'Gangdonggyo', which connected major transportation routes. The road network was created in Oeseong area to facilitate logistics transportation and management, and many warehouses named after the jurisdiction of Pyongyangbu were distributed near the roads and Provincial Offices of the main gates. In addition, it was characterized by the urban area systematically divided with hierarchical roads, 'Bukjangnim' of willow trees planted on the main entrance roads of Pyongyang Castle, a linear landscape created by 'Simnijangnim' consisting of mixed forests with elm trees. Third, Pungnyu City is realized by the distribution of amusement facilities. The riverside of Daedonggang adjacent to Naeseong exhibits characteristics of artificial landscape such as a canal leading to the inside of the castle, a docking facility with embankments, and a port with cargo ships anchored. However, Bukseong of the natural surroundings had numerous pavilions and platforms such as 'Bubyeongnu', 'Eulmildae', 'Choeseungdae', 'Jebyeokjeong' and engraved letters such as 'Cheongnyubyeok', 'Jangbangho'. 'Osunjeong', 'Byeogwolji', 'Banwolji' near 'Sachang', and 'Aeryeondang', built on the island of a square pond, created waterscape in Naeseong invisible from the Daedonggang, and for practical purposes, ponds and repeated willow vegetation landscape related to Gija were placed in the western rampart of Jungseong. In addition, 'Seonyeondong', a cemetery of Gisaeng, located near by Chilseongmun, was used as poem titles and themes by literary people, contributing to the creation of the Pungnyu image of Pyongyang.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.3
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• pp.97-110
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• 2012

This study aimed at considering the original shape of Iljiam Tea Garden at Mt. Daedun. In order to accomplish our goal, we tried to strengthen the authenticity of construction of Iljiam by comparing its space structure depicted in the poetry of Choeui(艸衣) the monk with its current restored state. According to the clues and situation in the poetry along with symbolic words like 'Choeui' and 'Ilji(一枝)', Iljiam seemed to be a tea garden with elegant and celestial beauties, and with a nice view where Choeui the famous monk searched for the highest state of enlightenment by enjoying and living in nature. When we compared the plural aspects of Iljiam like Dacheon(茶泉), Dajo, Mulhwak, Darim(茶林), Chaewon(菜園), and Yeonji(蓮池) with those of Dasan Tea Garden[茶山草堂], we could see that the basic components of tea-culture space of both gardens are the same, showing the organizational principle of the top and bottom area to stress reading and studying. When it is restored, the authenticity of Iljiam should be pursued by linking spatial, historical, and landscaping characteristics as the space of which Choeui the monk carried out Zen meditation and mastered tea. However, the recent grand scale Buddhist business like the expansion of access road and construction of Buddhist sanctuary and Seolimdang became the biggest threat to the authenticity. Especially, it was emphasized many times in various poetry that the view from Iljiam and its surroundings is extraordinary, so it is critical to get rid of obstacles to the view from Iljiam and its surroundings in order to restore Iljiam as its genuine form. The current Iljiam should be re-made because it is like a leaf-roofed garden, not like a hermitage. However, the opinion that Jawoohongryeon-sa(紫芋紅蓮社) is somewhat a Taoistic and Taoist hermit space with a special shape adopted the pattern of building of the Joseon period rather than a Buddhist building can be accepted as long as other convincing historical evidences are found out, considering the ideology of uniting Confucianism and Buddhism and the spirit of Taoist hermit found out from poetry of Choeui and his friends. In conclusion, the restoration of Iljiam in 1979 was carried out to restore the place of Iljiam rather than to restore the originality of Iljiam by combining and referring domestic cases of tea gardens. However, there is not much material for restoration even though the main frame of Iljiam was distorted. Nevertheless, the top and bottom ponds should be constructed as a rectangle shape. In addition, it can be improved much in terms of plants and trees. It is necessary to restore bamboo forest, which was razed in order to make a tea plantation around Seolimdang, to set vines of arbors above the upper limbs, to plant pine trees and willow trees inside of the garden, and to put Dajeolgu under the corner of the eaves. Especially, the bamboo forest emphasized in poetry and took care of by Choeui himself should be restored inside of the garden.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.98 no.1
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• pp.66-81
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• 2009

From a new perspective of "humans and the culture of forming and conserving the environment", the sustainable forest management can be reformulated under the concept of "cultural sustainability". Cultural sustainability is based on the emphasis of the high contribution to sustainability of the culture of forming and conserving the environment. This study extracts the implications to cultural sustainability for the modern world by investigating a historical case of the culturo-social pine forestry in the Joseon period of Korea. In the legendary and recorded acts by the first king Taejo, Seonggye Yi, Korean red pine (Pinus densiflora) was the "Royal tree" of Joseon and also the "Sajik tree" related intimately with the Great Sajik Ritual valued as the top rank within the national ritual regime that sustained the Royal Virtue Politics in Confucian political ideology. Into the Neo-Confucian faith and royal rituals of Joseon, elements of geomancy (Feng shui), folk religion, and Buddhism had been amalgamated. The deities worshipped or revered at the Sajik shrine were Earth-god (Sa) and crop-god (Jik). And it is the Earth god and the concrete entity, Sajik tree, that contains the legacy of sylvan religion descended from the ancient times and had been incorporated into the Confucian faith and ritual regime. Korean red pine as the Royal-Sajik tree played a critical role of sustaining the religio-political justification for the rule of the Joseon's Royalty. The religio-political symbolism of Korean red pine was represented in diverse ways. The same pine was used as the timber material of shrine buildings established for the national rituals under Neo-Confucian faith by the royal court of Joseon kingdom before the modern Korea. The symbolic role of pine had also been expressed in the forms of royal tomb forests, the Imposition Forest (Bongsan) for royal coffin timber (Whangjangmok), and the creation, protection, conservation and bureaucratic management of the pine forests in the Inner-four and Outer-four mountains for the capital fortress at Seoul, where the king and his family inhabit. The religio-political management system of pine forests parallels well with the kingdom's economic forest management system, called "Pine Policy", with an array of pine cultivation forests and Prohibition Forests (Geumsan) in the earlier period, and that of Imposition Forests in the later period. The royal pine culture with the economic forest management system had influenced on the public consciousness and the common people seem to have coined Malrimgat, a pure Korean word that is interchangeable with the Chinesecharacter words of prohibition-cultivation land or forest (禁養地, 禁養林) practiced in the royal tomb forests, and Prohibition and Imposition Forests, which contained prohibition landmarks (Geumpyo) made of stone and rock on the boundaries. A culturo-social forestry, in which Sajik altar, royal tomb forests, Whangjang pine Prohibition and Imposition forests and the capital Inner-four and Outer-four mountain forests consist, was being put into practice in Joseon. In Joseon dynastry, the Neo-Confucian faith and royal rituals with geomancy, folk religion, and Buddhism incorporated has also played a critical humanistic role for the culturo-social pine forestry, the one higher in values than that of the economic pine forestry. The implications have been extracted from the historical case study on the Royal-Sajik tree and culturo-social forestry of Joseon : Cultural sustainability, in which the interaction between humans and environment maintains a long-term culturo-natural equilibrium or balance for many generations, emphasizes the importance that the modern humans who form and conserve environment need to rediscover and transform their culturo-natural legacy into conservation for many generations and produce knowledge of sustainability science, the transdisciplinary knowledge for the interaction between environment and humans, which fulfills the cultural, social and spiritual needs.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.24-36
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• 2014

The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).