• Title/Summary/Keyword: 부귀

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A Study on the symbols of bamboo icon in bamboo paintings - Focused on 'bamboo' Ti-hua-shi(題畵詩) in 『Sheng-hua-ji(聲畵集)』 (송대 '대나무' 도상의 상징에 대한 고찰 - 『성화집(聲畵集)』의 '대나무' 제화시를 중심으로 -)

  • Seo, Eun-Sook
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.35
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    • pp.471-498
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    • 2009
  • The aim of this study is to see how bamboo paintings developed and what is the iconographical meaning of them through bamboo Ti-hua-shi(poems on paintings) found in Sheng-Hua-Ji, a leading compilation of Ti-hua-shi(poems on paintings) of Song Dynasty. Bamboo paintings give shapes in a simpler and more direct way in drawing, which means bamboo paintings reveal concretely more characteristics of Ti-hua-shi (poems on paintings). Bamboo paintings, which flourished during Northern Song Dynasty, often had the image of the dragon, specially a lying dragon or a winding dragon, which suggests a great man in obscurity. Snow-laden bamboos were also a symbol of a great man, very wise man in Confucian tradition. This shows Confucian ideal examples were embodied through bamboo paintings. Another aspect of bamboo paintings is that bamboo paintings were regarded as a means of self-expression, which identified Confucian sadaebu (scholar-officials) who advocated simplicity and austerity in their life. Contrary to professional painters, who added color and decoration to their paintings, Confucian scholars of Song Dynasty reduced color and embellishment in their bamboo paintings in black-and-white to reveal their own identity, focusing on spirituality rather than the image itself. Therefore, drawing and appreciating bamboo paintings were highly respectable pastime among the literati of Song Dynasty. In short, Bamboo paintings in Song Dynasty were not only a Confucian symbol of a wise and virtuous man but also reflected the taste of Song sadaebu class who thought of bamboo as a symbol for moral and cultural responsibility of Confucian society.

Dasan's commentary on The Meaning of learning(學) and ming(命) in Confucius Analects analects (다산 정약용의 『논어』 「학이(學而)」 및 「부지명(不知命)」장(章) 주석에 대한 고찰)

  • Lim, Heon-gyu
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.69
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    • pp.531-561
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    • 2017
  • This article's aim is to contrast Dasan's commentary with Chu-tzu' and old commentary on The Meaning of learning(學) and ming(命) in Confucius Analects analects. Confucius Analects analects began with Confucius said, " Is it not pleasant to learn with a constant perseverance and application?"(1:1), and closed with Confucius said, "Without recognizing the ordinances of Heaven, it is impossible to be a superior man. We can consider Confucian analects as theory of science. I've tried to define the meaning of learning(學) in Confucius Analects, at first. The Meaning of learning in Confucian analects have 1) Technology, 2) the way of human relation, 3) liberal ar, and 4) 'learning to become a sage. Chu-tzu defines learning(學) in Confucius Analects as 'learning to become a sage'. Dasan's considered learning(學) as science in general. Chu-tzu' and old commentary defined zhiming(知命) in Confucius Analects is 'to know the fact that there is destiny in man's life(ex, life and death). Dasan reinterpreted ming(命) in Confucius Analects as human mind-nature.

Current status of site observations for evapotranspiration and soil moisture content in the K-water dam watershed (K-water 댐 유역 증발산량 및 토양수분량 관측 현황)

  • Cho, Younghyun;Kang, Tae Ho;Lee, Young Ho
    • Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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    • 2022.05a
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    • pp.67-67
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    • 2022
  • 국가 물관리 측면에서 증발산량과 토양수분량은 자연계 손실로서 국내 수자원 총량의 약43%(563억 m3/년)를 차지하며, 수자원의 계획과 개발, 물순환 과정 규명 및 다양한 수재해 분석 등을 위한 수문 요소이다. 정부는 2005년 「수문조사 선진화 5개년 계획」과 2008년 「제1차 수문조사기본계획(2010~2019년)」을 통해 2019년까지 증발산량과 토양수분량 관측소 확대(각각 25개 지점) 기반을 마련하였고 「수자원의 조사·계획 및 관리에 관한 법률」에 따라 매년 공인 수문 자료로 증발산량과 토양수분량을 측정하고 있다. 증발산량과 토양수분량은 댐 유역의 정밀한 물순환 해석에도 매우 중요한 정보로서 현재 K-water에서의 관측은 일부 시험유역(용담댐 유역)의 flux tower에 의한 에디공분산법(Eddy Covariance Method) 및 토양수분 센서(TDR, Time Domain Reflectometery)에 의한 지점 자료의 생산만 각각 이루어지고 있다. 본 연구에서는 K-water 댐 유역의 증발산량 및 토양수분량 관측 현황과 그간 관측된 자료의 특성을 각종 경향성 분석 등과 함께 소개하고자 한다, 증발산량의 경우는 2개소의 flux tower를운영(덕유산 지점 2011년 이후, 용담 지점 2017년 이후)하고 있으며, 토양수분량은 총 7개소(계북, 천천, 상전, 안천, 부귀, 주천 지점 2013년 이후, 장계 지점 2017년 이후)에 TDR센서를 설치, 계측 운영 중이다. 이렇게 관측된 자료는 매년 홍수통제소 주관 관련 전문가 공인심사를 통해 일자료 기준으로 한국수문조사연보에 수록되고 있으며, K-water에서도 연보를 통해 공개된 자료를 기준으로 공공데이터포털(data.go.kr) 등과 연계하여 온라인 자료 서비스 중이다. 한편, 최근 2020년 「제2차 수문조사 기본계획(2020~2029년)」에서는 수자원 위성 개발연구와 연계하여 위성을 활용한 증발산량과 토양수분량 산정 연구의 필요성이 강조되고 있다. 하지만 본 연구에서 살펴본 지점 자료만으로는 댐 유역을 포함한 광역단위의 시계열 공간정보를 생산하기 한계가 있으며, 댐 유역과 국내 전 지역의 공간 시계열 증발산량 및 토양수분량 자료 산정과 활용 방안에 대해 정립하고, 나아가 위성영상을 활용한 댐 유역 증발산량·토양수분량 관측 가이드라인 마련 등을 위해서는 국가적으로 많은 재원의 투입과 노력이 필요한 상황이다.

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A Study on the Utilization and Symbolizes of the Joseon Dynasty Flowering Plant (조선시대 화훼식물의 이용과 상징성에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Seung-Min
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.32 no.2
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    • pp.134-147
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    • 2014
  • The purpose of this study is, focusing on the ancient paintings and literatures, by examining Flowering Plants and drawing their cultivating methods, to provide a ground of utilizing them on the modern landscaping. In the scope and method of this study, 766 pieces of ancient paintings(6 garden paintings and 760 folk paintings) which were available and had value as literatures, and 8 of ancient literatures were intensively examined. Main results extracted from them are as follows. First, the most frequently used Flowering Plants in Joseon Dynasty were Prunus mume, pbyllostachys, Nelumbo nucifera, Chrysanthemum morifolium, Musa basjoo, Rosa spp., Rhododendron mucronulatum, Paeonia lactiflora, which appeared 11 times to 16 times in total. Next frequently(4 times to 8 times) used Flowering Plants were Gardenia jasminoides, Punica granatum(8 times), Dianthus chinensis, Vitis vinifera(7 times), Orchidaceae, Syringa velutina, Impatiens balsamina, Hemerocallis fulva, Celosia cristata, Hibiscus Syriacus, Rhododendron indicum(6 times), Rhododendron, Rhododendron obutusum, Acorus calamus, Althaea rosea, Kerria japonica, Citrus junos(5 times), Hibiscus mutabilis, Lychnis cognata, Calendula officnalis, Begonia rex., Helianthus annuus, Papaver spp., Narcissus tazetta, Daphne odora, Hosta plantaginea(4 times). Second, usage of the Flowering Plants in Joseon Dynasty can be divided into character building and horticulture for pleasure through positive, scientific approach attempt. It suggests that there might have been classes in the use of them and we can estimate which plants were particularly preferred. Third, in the symbolicity of the usage of Flowering Plants, it can be divided into three parts: The case of representing integrity, gentleman, honesty and nobility and the thought of loyalty and filial piety under the influence of Confucianism. The case of representing Taoism's thought of hermit and perennial youth and long life. The case of representing wish on wealth and prosperity. So if we make a good use of it, we may draw a meaning of cultivation of Flowering Plants from it. This is your target audience or the good luck to all he plants is aimed at, you can see the occurred. Fourth, the Joseon Dynasty was the use of flowering plants are the line of rain wanted to be more consistent with the spirit world. This is shown as a symbol of their ancestors. Joseon Dynasty was used, resulting in a kind of flowering plant and is not a subjective judgement criteria A psychological approach to the side when interpreting the Joseon Dynasty flowering plants to take advantage of the landscape of the area will widen in scope.

Studies on Changes of the Blood Pictures and Serum Components according to the Gestation Period in Rabbits (가토(家兎)의 임신기간(妊娠期間)에 따른 혈액상(血液像)과 혈청성분(血淸成分)의 변화(變化)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Kyu Seung;Suh, Gil Woong
    • Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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    • v.6 no.2
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    • pp.148-157
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    • 1979
  • The followings are the results obtained from the investigation of blood pictures and serum components of rabbits according to gestation period. 1. The erythrocytes count and hematocrit values were insignificantly decreased with the progress of gestation period. The hemoglobin content was significantly decreased at 3- and 4-week after gestation. 2. The total leukocytes count was continuousely increased during the gestation period. This tendency was significantly recognized at 3- and 4- week after gestation, but the normal situation was restored after parturition. While the percentage of neutrophils was significantly increased, that of lymphocytes was decreased from 3 weeks after gestation. 3. The contents of total protein and non-protein nitrogen were continuously decreased with the process of gestation period, but the significant differences were recognized from 3 weeks. 4. The total lipids were not markedly changed until 3 weeks, but significantly increased at 4-week after gestation and on 5-day after parturition. 5. The serum cholesterol tended to be decreased until 3 weeks, but significantly increased at 4-week after gestation and on 5-day after parturition. 6. The serum calcium was continuousely decreased during the gestation period, but the significant differences were recognized at 3- and 4-week. The serum phosphorus was also significantly decreased at 4-week after gestation.

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The Effect of Glutathione on High Dose Cisplatin-Induced Cellular Toxicity in Non-small Cell Lung Cancer Cell Lines (비소세포폐암 세포주에서 고용량 Cisplatin 세포독성에 대한 Glutathione의 효과)

  • Lee, Seung-Il;Boo, Gwi-Beom;Jang, Dai-Yong;Chung, Ki-Young;Seo, Jeoung-Gyun;Lee, Byeong-Lai;Chung, Jong-Hoon
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.52 no.5
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    • pp.463-474
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    • 2002
  • Background : This study was designed to examine how glutathione, one of the nucleophilic sulfur compounds, effects the cisplatin cellular toxicity in the non-small cell lung cancer cell lines and normal lung epithelial cell line. Materials and Methods : Three cultured cell lines, the lung adenocarcinoma cell(NCL-H23), the lung squamous carcinoma cell(SK-MES-1) and the normal lung epithelial cell(L-132) line were exposed to various concentrations of cisplatin with or without glutathione. The relative viability was estimated as a means of measuring the cisplatin cellular toxicity using the MTT method. Results : In NCI-23, the response to cisplatin was sensitive but glutathione markedly increased the relative survival of the tumor cells by removing the antitumor effect of cisplatin. In both SK-MES-1 and L-132, the responses to cisplatin were less sensitive, and the chemoprotective effect of glutathione compared to and equal cisplatin dose was significantly higher in L-132 than in SK-MES-1(p<0.05). Conclusion : The protective effectes of of glutathione on cisplatin-induced cellular toxicity is more significant in normal lung epithelial cells than in squamous carcinoma cells.

Literature of Korean Verse, Sijo and Taoist Hermit (시조문학과 신선)

  • Kim, Myeong-Hee
    • Sijohaknonchong
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    • v.30
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    • pp.21-52
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    • 2009
  • This study observed what roles and identity the Taoist Hermits have when they appear in Korean Verse, SiJo, which was preoccupied by the illustrious-officials in Choseon Dynasty. This study has found that languages of Taoist Hermit frequently appear in SiJo, through the historical study documents focusing on only the mountain wizards in terma of the genre, SiJo. Of those terms used by Taoist Hermit, most prominent was 'JeokSongJa', which was expressed as that sought by the illustrious-officials-they were using the sentence, 'I will follow JeokSongJa' to the extent that it is an idiom. This suggests that the illustrious officials in ChoSeon Dynasty meant if one was going to be entitled to become a Taoist Hermit, he should seek 'JeokSongJa' first. We can see those illustrious officials were using the words with a ideological tone, affected by then 'JangRyang' or 'BeomRyo' who were devoting themselves to finding 'JeokSongJa' with a belief that they could become a Taoist Hermit and live forever, which had been handed down as a legend or a myth. Meanwhile, Li Po is a profile who can not considered, separately in the history of Korean Literature. Li Po recited poems, as a great poet and a hard drinker, who were incited in SiJo of those illustrious officials as a intimate person. In contrast, among those who were accepted as a negative profile, were a Chinese Emperor JinSi and HanMuje. These two emperors, who were looking for a herb of eternal youth and Mt. BongRae, figures who had lost their positions in the real political circle. In addition, they couldn't make their dreams to get perennial youth and long life come true, which stimulated the illustrious officials of that time to recite those poems indicating there is no ideal Utopia so it's better be satisfied with the reality living up to the realistic idea of Confucianism. In this sense, those two emperors are negative. There are also women Taoist Hermits present in SiJo, including MaGo nymphs, SeoWangMo, MuSanShinNyo, and Hang-A. MaGo nymphs were grandmothers who superintend the longevity, often incited as a beautiful woman; SeoWangMo was a Toast Hermit who had an elixir of life; MuSanShinNyo is a beautiful woman who was representing the attachment of cloud friendship; and Hang-A is expressed as a goddess who betrayed her husband and as a result staying lonely in the moon palace. These women goddesses were characterized by their beautiful appearances, generous and delicate personalities. widely incited in romantic poems.

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A Study on the Characteristics of Chuibyong(翠屛: a Sort of Trellis) in Paintings of Late Joseon Dynasty (조선 후기 회화작품에 나타난 취병(翠屛)의 특성)

  • Jung, Woo-Jin;Sim, Woo-Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.31 no.4
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    • pp.1-21
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    • 2013
  • This study has researched the characteristics and elements of the chuibyong, a sort of trellis in the Joseon Dynasty through the old pictorial data. The results were as follows; First, as a result of the analysis for the 25 pictorial data in the Joseon Dynasty, the chuibyongs have usually functioned as screening the facility to protect the private life and dividing the spaces of the site, but it was internally regarded as the props which symbolized the dignity and elegance of high class. Especially, not only the faunas such as crane and deer, and the floras such as Pinus densiflora, Musa basjoo, bamboo species and Paulownia coreana, but also various garden elements including oddly shaped stone, pond and pavilion were shown in the surrounding area of the chuibyong, and they were considered as a series of combination that was needed in the ideal garden for the literati. Secondly, the chuibyong was recognized as the ideological object which was typical of the literati culture in the story derived from an ancient event of China. Such image has been reflected intactly in the garden culture, and the chuibyong has been used(considered) as the important scenery of the season to imitate and reenact the Chinese Classical Garden in the narrative painting. Thirdly, in terms of the shape and function, the chuibyong in the paintings in the Joseon Dynasty basically had the function of the shielding and spatial division. Fourthly, the height of the chuibyung was similar to the one of fence which exceeds the person's height or Youngbyek(影壁) which is installed in the front and the rear of the main gate in China, and the various shape's chuibyung was properly set up in many spaces. Lastly, the making of the chuibyong in Joseon Dynasty was related to the trend of the writer's culture which was popular nationally in Ming dynasty rather than the particular functions or the location conditions. Especially, the symbol expression of the chuibyong showed on 'Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden' which was brought from China was recreated in the mansion of the upper class in Hanyang city as the center, and the primary mode for the expression of the wealth and writer's spirit through the chuibyong was transformed into the high-quality's garden element which could be created in the royal palace or the mansion of the upper class. Also, the use of the chuibyung was changed by spreading into the residential style for common people after the mid-nineteenth century, and it means that the chuibyung was developed into Korean styles.

A Study on the Space Organization and Garden Language of Mongsimjae in Namwon (남원 몽심재(夢心齋)의 정원구성과 조형언어 해석)

  • Rho, Jae-hyun;Choi, Yung-hyun;Shin, Sang-sup
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.47 no.1
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    • pp.32-45
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    • 2014
  • In this study, the characteristics of Mongsimjae in Namwon-si, Jeollabuk-do have been researched focusing on the writings engraved in huge stones and rocks of pavilion standing beside a lotus pond and its formative languages in the garden has been interpreted as follows. Name of pavilion(堂號) Mongsimjae(夢心齋) includes a classical scholar's spirit, refusing to serve two kings and homecoming after resignation from a government office(歸去來) of Songam(松菴) Park Moonsu(朴門壽), an ancestor who has brought to the Juksan(竹山) Park's family again. A pavilion standing beside a lotus pond(蓮塘) built in the reception garden is a gardening facility symbolizing 'Yeondang(蓮堂)' Park Dongsik(朴東式) who built Mongsimjae. The bamboo hill connected to the backyard seems to be relevant to 'Juksan', the family clan of Mongsimjae's owner and this kinds of intention can be found in the bamboos in the outer garden naturally led to inside the garden through the flower beds. The purpose for the western arrangement of the main building and gate contrary to the 'chukjwamihyaug'(丑坐未向; a direction toward to the south-southwest) of the prospect of Sarangchae(guesthouse) is interpreted to naturally attract people's eyes to the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond and to mitigate the sense of closure resulting from the huge stones located in the reception garden. Also the writing engraved in the three huge stones, 'Jonsimdae(存心臺)', implies that it is a place where was selected with heart by Juksan Park family who settled down in Homsil, Namwon after 'Haengchon(杏村) Park Jaryang(朴子良)' in Yiphyangjo(入鄕祖), Namwon and 'Jeongwa(靖窩)' is interpreted as a signature representing that it is the most comfortable house where Jeongwa Park Haechang(朴海昌: 1876~1933), the third owner of Mongsimjae, has lived. The pavilion standing beside a lotus pond of the 'Bangjibangdo(方池方島; square pond and square island)' type has no lotus for now and waterside cornerstones roughly piled with broken stones naturally mitigate the slope. There are two water inflows gathering rainwater in the reception garden other than the water inflow of valley and the upper-side water inflow was built using a high waterfall method. The middle island cut into a square was designed to use in two ways, as 'island' or 'steppingstone', according to the water level and the old name of the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond was revealed as 'Cheonundam(天雲潭)' from the engraved writing located in the side of the middle island. In addition, 'Imni(臨履)', engraved writing in the finishing stone of waterside by citing a line of 'Sigyeong(詩經)', implies 'Be a upright classical scholar who pays close attention to one's own behaviors' and 'Jeongchuk(渟?)' is interpreted as a message that desires the eternal staying of the Juksan Park family's wealth. Ultimately, the writings engraved in the huge stones and rocks of the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond are interpreted as a symbol language that wishes the heaven protects and maintains the wealth of the Juksan Park family who is the owner of Mongsimjae.

A study on the factors of Minhwa(民畵) and accepted background that are appeared at Buddhist paintings from late 19th to early 20th century - focused on Sixteen Lohans painting - (19세기 말~20세기 초 불화에 보이는 민화적 요소와 수용배경에 대한 고찰 -16나한도를 중심으로-)

  • Shin, Eun-Mi
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.37
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    • pp.121-150
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    • 2004
  • As genre of Buddhist paintings that express generally mountains and waters, there are Eight Scenes from Life of the Buddha(八相圖), Eternal Life Painting(甘露圖), Avalokitesvara Painting(觀音菩薩圖) includes Sixteen Lohans painting(十六羅漢圖), and Hermit Painting(獨聖圖), or Mountain God Painting(山神圖) which is especially appeared in late Chosun Period. These Buddhist paintings had various backgrounds including mountains and waters, the tradition of Water Ink Painting still remains after 18th century, however the trends got complicated to express various landscapes including splendid color, waters and mountains, and it appeared to have historical trend with introduction of factors of Minhwa(民畵) so called in 19th century. Sixteen Lohans painting painted from late 19th to early 20th century, still contains the traditional factors in terms of describing background among above trends, however the main factors of expressing the background are different from other Buddhist painting which reflects historical art trends in colors and its materials by drawing various background distinctively. That is, Sixteen Lohans painting is distinct at describing the background of blue & green colored mountains and waters that is appeared in trend of Minhwa(民畵) and the royal which were popular at that time It also shows broad acceptance with introduction of new background expressions such as Sipjangsang(十長生, Picture of 10 different things of Sun, Mountain, Water, Stone, Cloud, Pine, Plant of eternal youth, tortoise, Crane, and deer to hope the eternal life) Unryoung(雲龍, Dragon Cloud), Mangho(猛虎, Wild Tiger), Gweseck(怪石, Oddly shaped stone), Hwajo(花鳥, Flowers and Birds), Chaekgoeri(冊巨里, The books and bookshaves). In terms of its materials, positive representations of eternal life, wealth and luck were mainly appeared, this is closely related with Self-Search of Buddhist which was the trend at that time that Buddhist turned into the popularized religion in Chosun Period, especially the cooperation of popular belief with Taoism. This is appeared on various Taoists that is expressed in Buddhist paintings of Sixteen Lohans painting at that time. It would provide some clauses to infer the painted years of existing Minhwa at the fixed type of folk story paintings appeared on Sixteen Lohans painting painted mainly from late 19th to early 20th Century. There is also a possibility of the active participation of Buddhist painters(佛畵僧) as painters of Minhwa by request and demands from common people. Inquiry into factors of folk story paintings among Buddhist paintings started from similarity of the materials and shapes, however it doesn't seem to have dramatically expressed comic or exceptional techniques. But, the fact that there are similar types of decorative pictures in the Royal Court rather seemed to be possible for Buddhist paintings to have functions as religion.