• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.60
• /
• pp.5-27
• /
• 2012

The purpose of this study is to explore the journalist Song Kun-Ho's ideas of Korean Journalism. The journalist Song Kun-Ho was born in 1926 and passed away in 2001. He became a reporter in 1953 when he was a student at department of law of Seoul National University. He has worked for several media and resigned the executive editor at the Dong Ah Ilbo in 1975. At that time, while many reporters of the Dong Ah Ilbo struggled for the freedom of the press, he tried to protect reporters and independence of media. After his resignation of the executive editor, he wrote many columns and several books for Korean nationalism and the democracy of journalism. Instead of working for the authoritarian military regime, he chose a lonely and rough life as an intellectual journalist in action. Finally, he, as a president, established the Hankyoreh daily newspaper which was funded by tens of thousands citizens. He passed away in 2001. His ideas of Korean journalism are nationalism, democracy, and independency. These ideas are very important to restore democratic journalism which has been at risk during the Lee Myung-bak administration.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.67
• /
• pp.152-176
• /
• 2014

Public opinion has dramatically shifted from positive to negative in Korea society especially since the IMF crisis. Such terms as 'aristocratic union', 'collectivism', 'damages on public interest' became a kind of conventional wisdom. Undoubtedly, media's representation has much to do with such a tantamount difference. This study thus attempts to understand the mechanism by analyzing media discourse related to labor strikes. For this purpose, this paper made a choice three cases including doctor-pharmacist dispute, general strike by truckers' solidarity, and Ssangyong Motor's strike. Total 217 editorial pieces of , and conceived to be a representative newspaper of ideological stance were analyzed. Research showed that while paying particular attention to demoralizing labor strikes, shed positive light on such disputes by articulating fundamental causes hampered by pro-capital policies along with anti-labor law enforcement. The believed to be relatively a neutral one showed ambivalent attitudes toward those cases. More favorable and inclusive reporting were found in accordance with policy shifts as well. Media's selective partisanship for the sake of private interests is firmly believed to downgrading credibility on Korean journalism. Also is fair, balanced and less biased reporting over socal disputes a vital part in crystallizing social consensus. In this consideration, the authors hoped this study to provide an opportunity to contemplate on what would be desirable journalistic values in modern democracy.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.82
• /
• pp.7-28
• /
• 2017

This paper argues that media criticism should be reestablished as an academic movement leading to the maintenance and maturity of democracy. Korean democracy has been withdrawn both procedurally and practically. However, the Korean media do not properly monitor democratic retreat. The purpose of journalism is to provide people with the information they need to be free and self-governed, and the public sphere is a condition of deliberative democracy. This paper proposed three practical strategies for media criticism. First, it is the overcoming of the conservative-progressive frame. It is important to look at what kind of media is responsible for democratic retreat. Second, media criticism should be expanded on workers and capitalists. Korea's labor relations are as distorted as the public sphere. Korean journalism did not set agenda for labor relations. Most reports were 'capitalist bias'. Finally, Media criticism should be the empowerment of the people who are the sovereigns of the media.

• 대학교육
• /
• s.84
• /
• pp.97-105
• /
• 1996

대학 개혁의 개념, 대상과 목표를 지적하고 이에 대한 여론의 강력한 지원을 이끌어내는 것은 바로 언론이다. 그런데 언론 역시 대학과의 밀착 정도가 지나칠 정도이기 때문에 과연 언론이 대학 개혁을 필연적인 시대정신이라고 여기고 지원할 능력과 의사가 있는지는 미지수다. 대학 개혁은 필연적으로 언론 개혁과 동시에 진행되어야 할 것인 바, 다른 부문과 달라서 이 개혁은 각각의 내부역량의 민주화 정도가 그 성패를 좌우할 것으로 판단된다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.57
• /
• pp.69-83
• /
• 2012

This paper attempts to explore the development of the media labor movement and its tasks. Due to the unique characteristics of information delivered by media, the media labor movement under the authoritarian regime was oppressed and regulated by the government. As democratization has proceeded, the state's oppression and regulation of media has been weakened. However, media workers should wage the struggle for union recognition and independence of editorship simultaneously. Because media unions as labor market organizations also seek for job security and wage increase, we need to understand both political dimension and economic dimension of union activities in media industry. While state's control over media has been diminished in the late 1900s, competition in media industry has been intensified. As small number of media corporations monopolizes the media market, the ecology of media has been completely transformed. Unions in media industry should respond to the change of the media ecology and should build solidarity among media workers at the same time. The achievement of the public nature of media as a part of democratization and building union federation of media industry as a response to the marketization of media still remain as an epochal task for media unions. Like the case of "Hope Bus" in the strike in Hanjin Heavy Industrial Corporation, solidarity between citizens and striking workers should be strengthened.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.14
• /
• pp.267-287
• /
• 2000

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.19
• /
• pp.295-327
• /
• 2002

Deliberative democracy places its great importance on the theory that the citizens should fill the role of conducting the principles of democratic society. This is divided into two main theoretical trends in modern political theories, a liberal theory advocated by J. Rawls and a critical one emphasized by J. Habermas. Mutual understanding between two scholars focuses on the responsibility of citizens; citizens should be the reflective persons who can accept the terms of just communication going beyond the preference of individual belief. It is not denied that the discussions of deliberative democracy guided by both Rawls and Habermas do not place emphasis upon mass media. Even though they seldom regard the argument how the current media can be a essential factor in encouraging deliberative democracy, they never close the eyes to the significance of communication. Rawls stresses the political freedom of speech as the very condition which leads to the citizens' autonomous participation in politics, while Habermas places his hope on the role of mass media that would amplify the citizens' will gushed out in public sphere.

• 월간 한농연
• /
• no.34
• /
• pp.8-11
• /
• 2004

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.48
• /
• pp.170-190
• /
• 2009

The aim of this study is to examine the ideological orientation of Minjujungbo which was the first and the largest newspaper in Busan during the U.S. Military Government in Korea. For this purpose this study analyzed the personal history of the editorial staffs and the coverage of the three historical events. The events analyzed were the supporting statement to trusteeship by Korean Communist Party in Jan. 1946, the money counterfeit by Jungpansa in May, 1946 and the general strike in Sep. 1946. The coverages of Minjujungbo on these three events were compared with those of other newspapers which had shown the orientation of the rightist, the neutral, and the leftist respectively. Most of the editorial staffs had been involved the leftist movement but were not socialist to the core at that time. Most of them were the members of Pusanilbo which was published by Japanese in late colonial period. The coverages of Minjujungbo were analyzed to be similar to those of Seoulsinmun which was evaluated as the neutral. But the coverage of the general strike was analyzed as leftist slightly. In conclusion it can be said that the ideological orientation of Minjujungbo was the left-of-center.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.22
• /
• pp.39-75
• /
• 2003

This essay begins with the following questions; "What is a fundamental source of media power?" and "How can the media power dominate market?". This essay aims at answering the questions. I made my selection of countries such as Venezuela, Italy and UK for this article with a political economic approach. This analysis found evidence that an enormous conglomerate ownership, and alliance or convergence between media and political power are two fundamental source of the media power. With the integration of newspaper and television the media monopoly increased their supplies and political influences as I have shown. Despite the growing threat of media monopoly power to democracy and public interest, in recent years, governments worldwide have chosen to ease regulations.