• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.51-68
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• 2011

The purpose of this paper is to review China's perception on the U.S. power after the global financial crisis. Although economic power of U.S. was declined by the global financial crisis, U.S. hegemony in the international order still maintains. Gap of national power between U.S. and China may be narrow because of decline of U.S. economic power. It can be predicted China will push a policy that secures an initiative of reform in the global monetary system and is going to take a more cooperative policy without U.S. hegemony power harming China's core interests.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Information and Commucation Sciences Conference
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• 2012.10a
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• pp.214-218
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• 2012

China has definitely been arising as the world's most powerful nation. By looking at general national power it seems that China's national prestige in 2011 is already way beyond Asia and even it closely catches up with the United States which is the most powerful nation over the world. The United states-centered world political order has begun to struggle by China's growth. Moreover, there has been an earnest competition arisen for the east-Asia sea supremacy between previous U.S. hegemony and arising China's power. East-Asia's ocean is the stage for this strife and it grows more serious. At this point, South Korea, one of the east-Asia country seeking the nation's stability and prosperity through its ocean, has come under the influence of this strife among the super powers of the world. The Author will closely examine the backgrounds and future opportunities of military competition between U.S. and China to analyze the influence of the power competition towards the security status of east-Asia especially South Korea.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.121-146
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• 2012

The purpose of this paper is to study on China's emergence and its influence on international society against the U.S. hegemony. Recently, China's influence has proliferated in Central Asia as well as East Asia at a rapid rate. China, through its soft balancing strategy, increased its influence in Central Asia in response to the U.S. power and behavior. This study analyzes the relationship among China and Central Asia with the view of soft balancing theory. In order to determine whether China's strategy on Central Asia is soft balancing, this paper presents three indicators: 1) Second-tier major power is willing to take a strategy that increase diplomatic cost of hegemony or counter the hegemony influence through using regional and global multilateral cooperation. 2) Second-tier major power is willing to not only increase its influence by strengthening regional economic cooperation, but also check the extension of the hegemony economic influence into its boundary. 3) Second-tier major power intends to prevent expanding hegemony military influence into the region through limited military cooperation and increasing military spending, and denying territory. This paper analyze China's multi-polar strategy, economic and energy cooperation with Central Asia countries, and the military and security cooperation with multilateral organizations such as SCO.

• 한국과학기술학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2006.10a
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• pp.59-97
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• 2006

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.117-154
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to verify the practical validity of financial sanctions, which has recently emerged as the most powerful form of economic sanctions preferred by U.S. foreign policy tool. Based on the theoretical discussion, analyse this study the trend of de-dollarization appearing in connection with financial sanctions and argue that the effectiveness of financial sanctions erode the dollar financial hegemony, which is the source of its power can be degraded, so that its effectiveness could not be so great as most people likely think about. After World War II, there has been an increasing tendency in the international community to favor economic sanctions over the use of military force as an effective means of foreign policy. Among these economic sanctions, a distinct feature that has recently appeared is the remarkable increase in the frequency of use of financial sanctions. The country that favors financial sanctions most is the United States. The reason is that they believe that the power of their own dollar financial hegemony can exert deadly pressure on other countries. Financial sanctions favored by the United States are said to have increased the effectiveness of sanctions by upgrading the pressure of sanctions to the next level. Nevertheless, financial sanctions have a side that underestimates the cost. This problem is found in the signs that the backlash from not only countries subject to financial sanctions but also many countries with interests in these countries is leading to a tendency to de-dollarization. This study will try to see how likely this de-dollarization trend is to offset the effectiveness of financial sanctions.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.477-498
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• 2010

The Reasons which Rose Revolution, Orange Revolution, and Lemon Revolution had been much argued in international society are as follows: Firstly, the important fact was that authoritarian governments in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan were collapsed not by physical violences and military forces, but by unblooded civil movements, so called Civil Revolution. And it is also called as Colorful Revolution. Secondly, during the advance of three Civil Revolution, hegemony conflicts between Russia and western powers including US appeared. In fact, tensions between the two countries, Russia and US had already occurred in Post-soviet region after dissolution of Soviet Union. Thirdly, as a result of three Civil Revolution, there were built up fullest attentions in international societies about the possibilities of other civil revolutions, that is to say, 'Colorful Revolution' among the countries which were the republics of former USSR. In this respect, in this investigation of Lemon Revolution in Kyrgyzstan as like Rose Revolution in Georgia and Orange Revolution in Ukraine, this article examined the roles and supports toward NGOs of Western powers including US. To my opinion, it is likely that NGOs, with powerful sponsors, become political bodies working through networks and media rather than being rooted in civil society and acting on behalf of citizens. And that powerful sponsors, directly or indirectly financed by outside governments, become involved in political activities. So NGOs have been important roles in promoting civil revolution as political agencies and more political instruments of foreign governments. In the long run, through the Colorful Revolution, it is better to understand that hegemony struggle is beginning between external concerned superpowers including US and Russia, rather than hegemony struggle having directly broke out.

• Aerospace Industry
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• v.58
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• pp.60-63
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• 1997

일찍이 항공기는 물론 최신 무기분야와 우주개발에 있어서 미·소 양국이 패권을 다투는 각축전 사이에서 유럽은 그들의 자존심을 지키는 독자적인 개발을 계속해 왔다. 그런 의미에서 1980년대에 세계적으로 본격화 하기 시작한 전투기 개발에 있어 유럽 각국의 차세대 전투기 개발계획은 여러 가지 문제에 직면하면서도 꾸준한 노력을 계속해 미국이나 러시아에 뒤지지 않을만한 훌륭한 기종을 만들어 냈다. 그것이 오늘날 볼 수 있는 스웨덴의 그리펜, 프랑스의 라팔, 영국, 독일, 이탈리아, 스페인 공동의 유로파이터 2000등 세가지 기종은 유럽이 자랑하는 기종들이며 타의 추종을 불허하면서 세계 시장을 두고 러시아, 미국과 조용한 경쟁을 벌이고 있다. 이러한 유럽의 세가지 최신형 전투기의 최근 동향을 알아보기 위해 본고를 준비했다.

• Journal of Space Technology and Applications
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.146-168
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• 2022

Witnessing current military conflicts in South China Sea and Eastern Europe, most defense analysts evaluate one of the most serious security threat toward the US is coming from the superpower competitions with Russia and China. The main means for such super power hegemonic competitions is military power and space power is a key enabler to maximize the efficiency and effectiveness of military employment. Reflecting above circumstances, the space hegemonic competition between the Unites States and China is spreading into all aspects of national powers. Under such an environment, R.O.K needs to significantly develop national space power to preserve life and assets of people in space. On the other hand, the R.O.K has a lot of limitations in launching space assets into orbits by land-based space rockets due to its geographic locations. The limitation of rocket launching direction, the failure to secure a significant area enough to secure safety and the limitation to secure open area enough to build associated facilities are among them. On this paper, I will suggest the need to build the 2nd space rocket launching site after analyzing a lot of short-falls the current 'Naro' space center face, compared to those of advanced space powers around the world.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.89-99
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• 2018

In the year 2018, South Korea faces a crucial decision with regard to reunification. Starting from inter-Korean and US-North summits held from April through June, A rough journey for North Korea's "Complete, verifiable and irreversible dismantlement" began. Although South Korea insists that North Korea's Nuclear 'CVID' is the only minimum condition in the process of peaceful reunification, North Korea and other countries who support North Korea, including China and Russia, will possibly claim that North Korea's Nuclear 'CVID' will minimize their political and military positions internationally. Despite representatives from each country agreeing to North Korea's denuclearization, it is inevitable that many challenges still need to be resolved during the process. From the perspective of the Chinese government, North Korea is not a country that stimulates international conflicts. Instead, China can utilize North Korea as their political and tactical leverage against the US in order to compete for hegemonic power in Asia. In order to reject the emerging supremacy of China and resolve uncertainties in the denuclearization agreement and implementation process, I suggest the necessity of 'Korea-Japan Security Cooperation' as a 'second alternative' to achieve the North Korea's Nuclear 'CVID'.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.83-93
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• 2017

The U.S.-China Relations could be analyzed two perspectives and their basis under major international p olitics theory-power transition with conditions: (1) North Korean's nuclear puzzle, (2) THAAD in the Kor ean Peninsula and (3) the U.S.-ROK Alliance. One perspective is the global order dominates the regional order, and then stable regional order comes out. The other is the regional order dominates the global ord er, and China wages a regional hegemonic conflict against the United States. Consequently, America's o verwhelming leadership in North Korean's nuclear, THAAD and U.S.-ROK Alliance as national power is expected to endure. But China also has expected empowerment and cooperation for the peace and stabilit y on the Korean Peninsula military problems. In this perspective, South Korea needs to pay attention to the changing power distribution and competition between the U.S. and China and needs to strengthen a balancing and harmonious diplomatic strategy, so called 'see-saw diplomacy'.