• 한국HCI학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2006.02b
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• pp.296-301
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• 2006

한국향토문화전자대전은 각 지방의 역사와 문화 유산을 비롯하여, 정치 경제사회의 변화 발전상에 관한 모든 정보를 집대성한 지역 문화 콘텐츠 디지털 백과사전을 말한다. 본 연구는 국내 각 지방의 지역 문화 콘텐츠를 디지털 정보시스템으로 구축함에 있어 적합한 인터페이스의 개발을 위해 진행된 시범 서비스의 사용성 평가에 관한 연구이다. 2003 년 6 월부터 2004 년 12 월까지 경기도 성남시 지역을 대상으로 개발된 디지털성남문화대전에 대하여 전반적인 서비스 및 시스템, 인터페이스 등에 대하여 사용성 평가를 실시하였다. 12 개의 콘텐츠 접근방법에 대하여 5 명의 피실험자를 대상으로 한 자유테스트와 15 개의 태스크로 실험된 수행도 평가를 진행하였다. 4 명의 인터뷰 참여자를 대상으로 FGI 를 실시하고, 테스트의 모든 참여자를 대상으로 한 설문조사를 통해 전반적인 만족도와 선호도를 분석하였다. 평가 대상 서비스에 대한 시스템, 사용자, 인터페이스, 콘텐츠 영역으로 나누어 문제점을 도출하였으며, 이는 시스템 설계와 세부적인 인터페이스 개선에 제안되었다. 특히 평가 결과 도출된 네이밍의 문제와 사용자 가이드, 메뉴 및 네비게이션 체계 등 인터페이스 설계에 대한 개선은 향후 10 년 동안 구축 될 한국향토문화전자대전을 기획하는데 실증적 기초 연구자료가 될 것으로 기대된다. 이는 구체적으로 2005 년 청주지역 및 지속적으로 개발되어가는 사업의 서비스, 인터페이스 기획 및 개발에 기초 가이드라인으로 사용되고 있다.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.209-216
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• 2024

This study examines the drama "Still in Marronnier Park"(2005) to examine the strategies by which the drama communicates Korean society and literature of the 1960s to the public. The drama focuses on three characters to characterize the historical upheavals of the 1960s and the literary response. In particular, the drama tackles the historical events of the time head-on by introducing characters who are real-life politicians. Therefore, the drama explains historical events through narrators, interviews, and video footage, and at the same time, it helps us understand how political and social events affected the inner lives of Koreans. Through the narratives of Kim Ji-ha and Kim Seung-ok, the drama also conveys how Korean literature responded to unjust realities in the political and social context of the 1960s. Kim Ji-ha's rebellion against those in power and Kim Seung-ok's depiction of her inner landscape are used to portray the response of literature to political reality. Although the drama has the limitation of being somewhat typical, it raises meaningful questions about the meaning of literature in the political and social context of the 1960s and how the memory of the 1960s has left a trace in the minds of Koreans.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.355-376
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• 2016

This study looks into the relationship between Chinese philosophy, with a focus on Confucianism and Taoism, and music. Kong zi's Confucius supported, 'Enjoyment without being licentious and grief without being hurtfully excessive', and 'hatred of the music of Zheng'. These ideas do not emphasize the function of music as an expression of emotions, feelings, or desires, and are instead conclusions based on Confucian ideals such as harmony between classes and the spread of benevolent government. Music must coincide with Justice. The hatred of the music of Zheng was a conclusion founded on the idea of a place for Justice in music. Zhuangzi is the source of the spirit of Chinese art; specifically, Zhuangzi's idea of music in relation to its influence on East Asian history of art is extremely influential. In fact, the concept of yuelun is considered the most original and important concept in the history of the East Asian philosophy of art. The most distinctive features of Zhuangzi's theory of music can be summarized as follows. He attempts to liberate music from the restrictions of form and to let music express authentic human feelings and emotions. He also argues that music should not be subjected to politics, as he thinks that the creative mind of an artist can exist only when music is freed from political influence. Confucianism takes a humanistic perspective, while Taoism takes a more naturalistic one. In sum, Confucianism gives weight to the logical and ethical aspects of music, while Taoism emphasizes the intuitional and naturalistic ones.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.68
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• pp.243-279
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• 2021

Rep. Roh Hoe-chan is a representative politician in Korean progressive politics. From the labor movement to the workers' political organization movement, they devoted themselves to the movement to build a progressive party. As a member of the 17th, 19th, and 20th National Assembly, he carried out legislative activities. The record he left is the record of the political power of workers, the record of the progressive party, and the record of a politician who suffers and practices. Also, as the son of a displaced person, as a student activist suffering from the restoration period, it is also a record of a human being of cultural literacy who played the cello. Archivist's basic research is expected to play a role in creating a virtuous cycle of archive management by structuring the archive and presenting various access points to various users, allowing more diverse research and use in the future.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.21-51
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• 2018

This article takes several approaches in explaining recent developments in Vietnam. First, it draws upon an array of sources that idealize Vietnam's embrace of capitalism and integration into the global market in order to sketch out its economy's progress in 2017. Second, it observes, evaluates, and diagnoses recent changes in the Vietnamese economy in the medium to long term by incorporating conflicting perspectives on Vietnam's performance as a capitalist country. Third, this article traces the power shifts that have risen from internal struggles in the Communist Party over political and social issues. Fourth, it elaborates on the aforementioned impact that foreign relations have had on socio-political developments in Vietnam, as well as the government's response. In so doing, it also attempts to evaluate, however briefly, the significance of the 25th anniversary of South Korea-Vietnam relations. Finally, it examines the public's reaction to the post-reform transitions in light of recent sociocultural changes. 2017 was a memorable year for Vietnam: a continuous march toward capitalism; the resulting expansion of the Vietnamese people's demands; political controversies and government control; the looming instability of United States-China relations and various attempts to address the situation. These events will inevitably replicate themselves in the future as the ostensibly socialist Vietnam adopts a capitalist model. The problem is that it is unclear whether these experiences will continue with the consent of the people of socialist Vietnam or engender resistance. It is difficult to achieve meaningful consent in the status quo of worsening inequalities, widespread corruption, monopoly on power, and sustained use of unskilled low-wage workers. In other words, when concerns such as welfare, public health, and the environment are set aside in favor of economic development and commercialization as they have been, discontent, rather than consent, will prevail. It is thus important to keep a watchful eye on the viability of the nominal economic growth, surface-level political stability, and strategic responses to foreign relations that took place in 2017.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.13 no.12
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• pp.1069-1078
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• 2013

The paper is about teaching culture in a language learning. There are many teachers who are afraid of teaching foreign language with culture. They are delighted to teach politics, economics, history, art and literature as objective culture. But they are hesitant to teach subjective culture which is connected with a communication competency. The paper suggests three stages to instruct culture in a schoolroom. The first stage, it is growing out of the self-centered view. The second step, be developing self-consciousness through comparing mother culture with target culture. The last stage, it has to response to appropriately target culture. The teaching materials for the model suggested are two movies. Because the cultural aspects in the moves are subjective culture, so it has something in common with target cultural situations in a language learning. This method which is teaching culture in a the language learning has the advantage of being easy to teachers and learners. Most students like to watch a movie. The teaching material is The Chronicles of Narnia : The Lion, the Witch and The Wardrobe와 Guess Who?. I hope that this suggestion for cultural teaching is helpful for understanding each other.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.1-48
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• 2013

Taking the cases of Korean garment factories in Binh Duong area, this study aims to explain the phases and causes of the wildcat strikes that have rapidly expanded recently in Vietnam. For the purpose, this study raises several questions as follows. Why the strikes sometimes increase and decrease other times? Why the factory workers prefer a wildcat strike even though it is politically risky, unproductive, and complicated? By the same token, why the foreign management cannot or will not preemptively preclude the wildcat strikes that are usually predictable and the workers are mostly able to accomplish their demands? While answering these questions, this study explores the economic, political, and socio-cultural conditions of the wildcat strikes respectively. Based on the fieldwork in around 30 Korean owned garment factories and the interview with around 100 Vietnamese factory workers in Binh Duong, this study confirms several findings on the phases and causes of the strikes in the area in specific and in Vietnam in general. First, the annual trends of the wildcat strikes reflect the macroeconomic conditions in which the consumer prices and the labor market in Vietnamese economy and business conditions in the world economy are pivotal. Second, however, the influence of macroeconomic conditions on both the management and the workers in the garment factories are differential, depending on the financial situations of the multinational corporations and the workers' capability of reproducing their household economies. Thirdly, the possibility of the wildcat strike in each factory is relatively independent on the financial conditions of a factory and rather associated with the stable political structure and active political processes within the factory that enable the management and the workers to efficiently communicate each other. Lastly, the necessity of establishing political stability in a factory arises from the distinctive social and cultural characteristics of the multinational corporation in which foreign managers and native workers inevitably live in separate and different socio-cultural worlds.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.49
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• pp.59-93
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• 2017

This paper provides an in-depth examination of the relationship between cinema and Giorgio Agamben's aesthetics and philosophy. Intersecting Agamben's key concepts including gesture, mediality, biopolitics, historicity, and profanation with historical and aesthetic dimensions of cinema, I argue for his ambivalent view on cinema and visual media. On the one hand, Agamben linked cinema and visual media to his discussion on biopolitics and spectacle as he considered them as apparatus for capturing and controlling gestures. On the other hand, he also argued that cinema could restore the image with capacity to preserve and recuperate gestures based on his consideration of montage as cinema's key aesthetic and technical component (an operation of profanation) and his Benjaminian thought on the ways in which montage suspended linear flow of images and activated an alternative memory of them. Drawing on history of cinema and optical devices in the 19th and early 20th centuries as well as examples of found footages of filmmaking predicated upon stoppage and repetition of images, I argue that Agamben's concept of potentialities can be extended into his thought on cinema and visual media apparatuses in general.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.32 no.5
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• pp.95-105
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• 2023

Focusing on Hwaseokjeong in Paju, the work seeks to clarify the social production of Nujeong (樓亭: Korean traditional pavilions) space, which took place over the 1960s and 70s, and its cultural-political implications. To make the effort as such meaningful, a theoretical framework based not merely on the thesis of 'social production of space' advocated by Henri Lefebvre but especially on some discussions related to 'state production of space' is prepared, according to which Hwaseokjeong is analyzed and explained. As a consequence, two principal arguments are put forward: one is that Hwaseokjeong was a social space which had been built and constructed in accordance with the unique mode of production dominating Korean society at that time called 'the state mode of production (le mode de production étatique)'; the other is that what lies beneath the denotation of a 'social space of tradition restoration' that Hwaseokjeong appears to carry is in fact the connotation of 'infiltration of anti-communist ideology'. All of these claims are once again supported both by examining Roland Barthes's semiology and mythologies and by considering Hwaseokjeong's P yeonaek (扁額: a plaque or framed text) as 'the practice of naming power through Jesa (題詞: inscribing dedications)'. While providing a succinct summary, the paper finally evaluates what 'social production of space' implies to social practices of architecture and related criticisms by taking into account the relationship between visibility and readability of space including buildings.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.302-312
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• 2019

Stamps are the smallest image symbols that can be read in the period, and they include the history, culture, politics, and figures and events of the issuing country. In particular, the stamps of the past presidents include the contemporary history of Korea, and reexamining and reviewing the meaning of the presidential stamps historically has a meaning that can not be overlooked as a researcher who studies the image of political leaders. In this study, the scope of research from the first republic to the fifth republic, where the publicity of political leaders through the advertisement of stamps and placards was high, was conducted and the leader image formation and change process centering on the former presidents Rhee Seungman, Park Jeong Hee, Chun Doo Hwan, Respectively. For the interpretation of the image of political leaders according to the changes of time, the images were classified by using Osgood's Semantic Differential Scale, and the images were analyzed using Saussure's semiotics. The image continues to move and change, and the conclusion that the image of the political leader of the time is not a simple personal image but a social product reflecting the specific age of the era.