• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.33-50
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• 2002

This study examines cross-national patterns of asymmetry of marriage tables with respect to educational level and tries to measure the degree of gender inequality across nations. A Primary assumption of the study is that gender inequality inhibits symmetric marriage between men and women. As men and women differ more in status, the rate of symmetric marriage between them declines thus producing asymmetric marriage with respect to social status. More specifically, the main object of the study is to develop statistical models and index with which to assess the patterns and degree of asymmetric marriage. Additionally, it is intended to assess the appropriateness of several theoretical perspectives for explaining these variations identified by the statistical models. Two most important such perspectives are industrialism and theory of politics and culture. To answer these questions, this study relies on twenty-seven marriage tables with respect to educational level, some from published tables, and some extracted from other sources. The main findings of the study are: (1) compared to less industrialized countries, more industrialized countries have lower degrees of asymmetric marriage(gender inequality) with respect to educational level, and (2) other things being equal, differences in politics and culture seem to have the some impact on marriage pattern; for instance, social democracy and state socialism reduce the degree of asymmetric marriage while the high emphasis on gender-based hierarchy in Asian countries seems to increase it In short, these results suggest a weaker or modified version of industrialists That is, while with economic growth most nations show a decline in the degrees of asymmetric marriage with respect to social status, for some nations the degrees of asymmetric marriage are affected by their specific politics or cultures.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.25-57
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• 2013

본 연구는 초국가주의 개념을 바탕으로 한국에서의 '동남아현상' 중의 하나로 태국음식의 한국 내 전파와 적응을 설명하기 위한 목적으로 수행되었다. 본 논문은 태국문화의 다양성을 구성하는 태국음식의 기원과 특징 및 태국음식이 국경을 넘어 확대되는 동기와 전략에 대해 살펴보았다. 한국에서 태국음식의 위상에 대해 알아보기 위해 한국내 태국식당의 현황을 조사하고, 한국인들의 태국음식에 대한 인식과 반응을 알아보기 위해 설문조사를 실시하였다. 설문조사의 결과는 태국음식의 세계적인 인기와 한국과 태국간의 인적교류의 증가에도 불구하고 태국음식이 아직은 한국인들에게 낯설고 크게 매력적으로 다가가지 못하고 있는 것으로 파악되었다. 그렇지만 한국내 동남아 현상의 확산을 나타내는 주요상징으로서 태국음식은 단기간에 한국사회에 비교적 빠른 속도로 전파되고 있고, 한국인들의 입맛에 맞추어 나가려는 다양한 노력이 이루어지고 있다는 사실도 확인되었다. 이러한 연구결과를 바탕으로 본 연구는 초국가적 문화의 확산으로서 한국내 태국음식이 '동남아현상'으로 친숙해지고 현지화 하는 단계를 통해 태국음식이 한국의 문화적 다양성을 발전시키는 데 많은 기여를 할 수 있을 것으로 기대한다.

• Advanced Industrial SCIence
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.1-7
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• 2024

This paper deals with the topic of quantification of soft power through emotional analysis. Sentiment analysis refers to the process of detecting and analyzing emotions or emotions in various data such as text, voice, and images. Therefore, in this paper, we explored the methodology and significance of how soft power can be quantified through emotional analysis. Soft power refers to the ability of a country or organization to influence the behavior of another country or organization in a desired direction. It is built by soft factors such as culture, values, and political system rather than military or economic means. Additionally, sentiment analysis is being used as a useful tool to measure and understand these soft areas.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.119
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• pp.129-159
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• 2017

The study of Freud's Moses and the background of the establishment of monotheism has become a subject of attention in the new atmosphere of the spreading of political theology and the recent rediscovery of Egyptology. This paper examines the publishing background and intentions of Freud's last book, Moses and Monotheism. And it will emphasize the fact that the Moses-Egyptian theory and his criticism of monotheism hid political theological intentions to prevent the spread of anti-Semitism in Nazi Germany. According to the Egyptologist Jan Assmann, there is a difference in that Moses' Judaism is monotheism, but Akhenaten's Aton-religion is a cosmotheism, and while Freud emphasizes Moses the 'historical figure' of that name, Assmann refers to Moses as a 'mnemohistorical figure.' Just as Freud said that the source of Jewish hatred is in Moses himself who established monotheism, Assmann argues also, monotheism is based on the so-called "Mosaic distinction" that distinguishes between true religion and false religion, thus it is possible to dismantle oppression and violence through the abolition of the Mosaic distinction. Assmann estimates that Freud had a clear stance to stop the spread of anti-Semitism as "the most explicit opponent of the Mosaic distinction." While anti-Semitic hatred spread to Christians in the Nazi era, Freud regards the real founder of Christianity, a jew Paul, as both a "Judaism destroyer" and a "successor to Judaism." At this point, Taubes began to see Paul's theology from a political theological point of view, and Assmann succeeded it. The "historical Moses" described by Freud are not "Prophet Moses" but "Moses as lawmaker and political reformer", and Jewish hatred has arisen in his distinction. Thus, Freud's monotheistic criticism as "disintegration by historical reduction"(Nietzsche) has political theological power. Just as Taubes interpreted Paul as a political theologian, Assmann found political theological elements in Freud's criticism of monotheism.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.4 no.3
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• pp.87-92
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• 2018

This paper aims to investigate political stances of news producers or news organizations by analyzing editorials from two Korean newspapers, Chosun Ilbo and the Hankyoreh, which are totally different in ideology, both qualitatively and quantitatively. In particular, the headlines from 16 editorials and 14 editorials from the two newspapers respectively published from May 28 to June 27 were analyzed in terms of political stances to a U.S-North Korea Summit. Moreover, two editorials published right after the U.S-North Summit were quantitatively analyzed within Martin and White (2005)'s framework. As a result, it was found that Chosun ilbo showed a negative stance to the summit by employing the 'feeling' factor within an attitude component most frequently, whereas the Hankyoreh was overwhelmingly positive toward the issue and the dialogue expansion factor within an engagement component is most frequently used to deliver its positive stance toward the issue.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.119
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• pp.1-33
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• 2017

This article explore the relation between meritocracy and democracy in the context of South-Korea's confucian modernity. It starts with the confirmation that South-Korea's confucian-meritocratic tradition has positive influence on democracy, in similar way as in the western countries where meritocracy was as a basis for democracy evaluated. But meritocracy has not always the positive implication for democracy. This article shows that meritocracy is in its essence 'an ideology of the betrayal' which destroy the basis of democracy through producing and justifying extreme socio-economic inequalities between citizens. But the long confucian-meritocratic tradition of East Asia makes meritocracy ideology attractive for the people, so even the temptation of the 'political meritocracy' is strong, as we see in Singapore and China. This article argues that the political meritocracy cannot be the alternative of democracy, seeks the different way to overcome the crisis of democracy than meritocracy indicate. Finally, it discusses shortly which implications this sort of relation between meritocracy and democracy for the future of South-Korean democracy can have.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.12
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• pp.222-233
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• 2015

In this study, the fact that the influx of multi-cultural society impact on local communities are examined to analysis the negative impact and positive impact with four types of political (government), economic, social and cultural saw classified. Although some have a negative evaluation, most of the respondents said the influx of multi-cultural society had a positive impact on South Korea's development and believes a positive impact in the future. In the results of the analysis, areas where multicultural society gives the most positive impact of local communities in political (administrative), economic, social, of the four segments of culture has been rated as the field of culture, on the other hand, areas that have the most negative impact has been evaluated as social sector. Though we live in nationalism culture for a long time and heterogeneous foreign residents has so rapidly increased that conflicts due to collision of values of differences and culture of each other have occurred, foreign residents are generally, have a positive impact on our society. Substantially marriage immigrants who successfully solve the rural bachelor of marriage problem are willing to prevent population decline phenomenon and reduce the crime rate in the society, of course. In addition, foreign workers who employed at low wages in the 3D industry which is avoided by the South Korean people have contributed to our country's economic development.

• 한국노년학
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.751-765
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• 2011

The purpose of this article is to examine the conflicts and political implications of the various linguistic practices concerning how to call old age, and to illuminate the reasons for these conflicts in the cultural sphere. Recently, the issue of proper ways of calling old age has become problematized. As a result, new ways of addressing older people are being devised, which signifies the marginalization of old age. These new ways of calling older people, however, are not settling the problems. It is because the ageist, gender-discriminatory, status-conscious culture of Korea marginalizes the meaning of the various ways of calling old age. As the otherization of old age deepens in the cultural realm, old age becomes a site where various features of marginality accumulate. The academy and the professionals need to be aware of the political implications of the various ways of calling old age, and to strive to surmount discriminatory linguistic practices.

• Korean Architects
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• no.12 s.344
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• pp.50-50
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• 1997

이번 지역건축을 기획하면서, 여러 가지 상념에 잠기게 되었다. 건축에서 지역성이 어느 정도 내재되어 있는지 살펴보고자 하는 것이 혹시 더욱 부정적 결과를 확인하는 것이라면 이를 확인할 필요가 있을지, 또 어떤 긍정적 결과를 확인할 수 있을지, 게다가 여러 개발도상국의 상황과 아시아의 건축적 진행을 보면서, 어쩌면 우리는 더욱 난감한 상황을 보게 될지도 모른다. "건축을 발전시켜온 어떤 민족도 각기 독자적 언어, 복장, 민속이 있는 것처럼, 그들이 좋아하는 형태를 발전시켜왔다. 19세기에 문화의 국경이 붕괴될 때까지 온 세계의 건축에는 지역고유의 형태와 디테일이 있었다. 그리고 어떠한 지역특유의 건물도 사람들의 창조력과 그 지역의 필요성의 결합에 의하여 태어난 아름다운 산물이었다. 그러나 현대 이집트에는 이집트 고유의 토착양식을 찾아볼 수가 없다. 바로 이집트인의 서명이 없다. 그것이 부자들의 집이건 가난한 자의 집이건 무성격하기는 마찬가지이며 이집트인의 자취란 사라져 버렸다."(하산 화티,1973년) 선진국은 스스로 산업혁명을 일으켰고, 이런 사회적 문화적 변동에 적응하기 위하여 1세기 이상의 시간적 여유가 있었다는 것이다. 개발도상국의 급속한 변화에는 건물도 변화의 수단으로 이용되었다는 것이다. "민족적이며, 지역적인 전통이야말로, 새로운 지역주의의 기초로서 보존하고 사용되어야 된다는 '섬세한' 서양의 관찰자들의 탄원은 이같은 상황에서는 전연 고려되지 않았다."고 커티스는 보았다. 섬세한 서양인이 아니라 자국민 스스로 자신의 문명에 대하여 파괴적인 입장에 서 있다면 더욱 난감한 일이다. 지역주의의 의미는 무엇일까? 건축에서 '지역'의 범주는 어디인가? 인종적 분포 또는 민족적 무리를 이름지은 것인가? 아니면 인종과 민족의 공통점인가? 그것도 아니라면 정치적 경계선으로 둘러싸인 경계를 말하는 것인가? 모든 지역이 다 지역주의로 대별될 수 있는가? 어느 곳이 건축에서의 중심지역이며, 또 지역주의는 누가 판별하는가? 프램튼은 문화적인 중심지와 종속적 관계를 지니는 지역주의를 잘못된 구조로 보았다. 근래 10년간 세계적으로 다양한 지역주의가 대두했다. 지역의 개념적, 제도적, 법적인 상태가 어떠한가가 중요한 요인이 된다. 19세기 동안에 유럽사람들이 그들의 정치적 독립을 위한 목적에 활용하기 위하여 부분적으로 거짓된 역사관을 피력했을 때, 유럽지역에서의 지역주의 개념들은 아이리쉬, 까딸로니아, 핀랜드 등을 평가하는 역할이 있었다고 한다. 지역주의를 "감상적인 민족적 편견에서 비롯된 광신적 배타주의"라고 낮추어 바라보는 그로피우스의 시각에 대해, 당당히 맞설 수 있어야 할 것이다. 리꾀르의 말대로 미래에 어떠한 유형의 참된 문화를 유지하는 것은 궁극적으로는 문화나 문명의 단계에서 외래의 영향을 적절하게 하면서 지역문화의 활기찬 형태를 발생시키는 우리 능력에 달려있다. '지역적' 범위는 서구에서 합중국으로 존재하는 경우, 대부분 이질적 문화들의 혼합지역이기 때문이다. 한국과 같이 비교적 단일한 성분의 종족으로 한 국가가 유지된 경우와 미국과 같이 다양한 종족이 모인 경우 등과 비교하면 '지역'이란 이름에 어떤 판단기준이 있어야 할까? 근래 지역적 변동이 적었던 한국의 경우는 상대적으로 재론할 여지가 적다. 그러나 한국의 역사시대 내에서도 확인되지 않은 부분들이 존재하고, 역사시대의 범위를 넘어서 선사시대로 확대하면 '지역'의 개념의 외연적 대상은 더욱 모호해진다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.162-173
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• 2019

The candlelight vigil is a nonviolent collective action by Koreans to communicate with the government. Although they have political goals, candlelight vigils are represented as cultural events. However, despite its importance in Korean society, it is unclear how Koreans perceive the cultural meaning of the candlelight vigil. This study, therefore, investigates the cultural meaning of the candlelight vigil, ultimately aiming to extending the framework for understanding active publics. To this end, this study conducted 47 in-depth interviews with participants of 2008 and 2016 candlelight vigils. The findings showed that the candlelight vigil has cultural meanings of festivity, humor, and self-expression. Theoretical implications of the findings and future research directions are discussed.