• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.56-69
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• 2011

A Gamsil is an ritual instrument which enshrine the ancestral tablets of four lines from late great-great-grandfather and grandmother to late father and mother. This has their soul. Juja's "Garye" informs its structure pattern. It is placed in Sadang and takes the form of a perfectly square box. It partitions four rooms and enshrine an ancestral tablet room by room. They get the ancestral tablets line up from west to east. And they also enshrine the ancestral tablets without his descendant together in Gamsil. A Gamsil is a space to enshrine the ancestral tablets and to place an order within a family. A social status and A family economic power become a standard in making and managing Sadang. Kingdom in Joseon period limited the ancestral tablets considering of his degree of official rank which descendant enshrined. A official servant can be stable economically in getting a stipend and build sadang in the house. While household a little in economic enshrine the ancestral tablets at a Gamsil placed at the a space of private home. His personal circumstances make size and pattern, place change in relation to Gamsil. A Gamsil looks like house in structure and pattern. It has the immortality of the soul. And it changed from a table size to a ancestral tablet size. This Gamsil is comfortable to move and is made considering of the width and height of household. The transition of Gamsil means institutions is in close to a family economic power in social change. Kingdom in Joseon early period makes a policy of a Gamyo's build and an ancestral enshrine in basement of Juja's "Garye". The transition of Gamsil gave a common people limitted socially and institutionally the service of late four lines. Most of people enshrine the ancestral tablets of their four lines in approaching of in the late of Joseon Dinasty. They compromise on their reality and cause. The transition of Gamsil implied many different things in social ; the authenticity search and a dignity expression of his family, the foundation for the diffusion of an ancestral service, a space sharing with ancestor and descendent, the increment of a family economic power etc.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.16-31
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• 2013

This study addresses how the main group of community ritual changed as the regional community changed during the period of Japan's colonial rule of Korea with emphasis on Gwanseongmyo in Jangchung-dong, Seoul. First, almost every regional community was changed because of city planning which was carried out by Japan in Korea for colonial exploitation and for the use of military bases. Mapo-dong and Seobinggo-dong were the appropriate examples. The city planning projects by the Japanese colonial government selected Jangchung-dong as the place of settlement of many Japanese people. The stream, Cheonggyecheon, made a border between the Korean and Japanese settlements and the traditional system of regional community in Jangchung-dong was changed and reorganized considerably. Second, the Japanese government used the rituals of regional community purposefully to combine them with the ceremony in the Japanese shrine. Those who supported Japan performed the regional rituals and tried to follow the policy of 'Rule of Culture' required by the Japanese colonial government. However, most regional rituals continued as they were before Japan's colonial rule of Korea without any change. Under this new trend the ritual of Gwanseongmyo was changed from the ritual for worshipping Guan Yu to that of the regional community. Last, the main groups that led the rituals of regional community were diversified during the period of Japan's colonial rule of Korea. In other words, the rituals of community used to be led by the families that lived in the region for generations before Japan's colonial rule of Korea. However, they were later led by various groups that emerged as a result of the colonial rule, urbanization, commercial development, regional differentiation, and so on. As an example,Yeongsinsa of Gwanseongmyo,which was the main group to lead the ritual of Gwanseongmyo, shows that the regional community rituals were extended to worshipping Guan Yu. The members of the main group to lead the ritual were pro-Japanese senior officials who were formerly military officers. This shows that the main groups leading the regional community rituals were further diversified.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.40
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• pp.207-241
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• 2007

This paper investigates the royal collection of paintings and calligraphy during King Gojong's (高宗) reign (1897~1907) based on the function of the Jipgyeong-dang Hall (緝敬堂), situated at "sleeping realm (寢殿)," Gyeongbok Palace. Using the surviving palace records and art works this study argues that the date of building the hall is approximately confined to the year of 1890. Not being matched with the general opinion that the Jipgyeong-dang Hall was used for the official meeting with envoys, this hall functioned as the main place for royal audience and the storehouse for archives. The role of Gojong as collector and patron was essential not only to the maintenance of the collection but also to the strengthening of royal authority just before the Japanese annexation in 1910. The specific titles of the collection at this hall can be verified through the Catalogue of the Books, Paintings, and Calligraphy Exposed to the Sun at Jipgyeong-dang Hall (緝敬堂曝曬書目) dating to the nineteenth century. The records of the catalogue inform us that more than 1,000 paintings and pieces of calligraphy, inkrubbings from old steles, manuals for painting, and encyclopedia concerning art theories from Korea, China, and Japan were preserved there. The collection of Jipgyeong-dang Hall resulted from Gojong's policy to foster the collection of contemporary Chinese and Japanese art works and various catalogues. Standing behind the Gyeongbok Palace, the Jibok-jae Hall (集玉齋) also preserved the diverse sources of practical learning, as did the Jipgyong-dang Hall for Gojong. The enormous royal collections by Gojong might have been constructed in accordance with the royal artistic taste and the artistic milieu of the late Joseon period. The surviving royal catalogues confirm this assumption as documentary evidence.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.296-312
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• 2022

This paper examines the concept and process of heritagization, as well as other measures for the value enhancement of food culture as heritage, through the case of the gastronomic meal of the French, which has a long history as a socially constructed heritage. Heritage refers to what a society perceives as worthy of being transmitted. Thus, a heritage is something that a society or group chooses to preserve and that represents its identity. In the 19th century, France began to designate and protect heritage through a policy of preserving historical monuments, and heritage became both a social construct and creation with the purpose of preserving and enhancing values. Interest in heritage spread around the world with globalization, and has grown even greater since the 1972 UNESCO Convention. This interest has progressively extended to nature, urban landscapes and intangible cultural heritage. In 2003, the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Intangible Cultural Heritage was adopted, and this has strengthened the interest in intangible cultural heritage worldwide. Food-related heritage has been excluded from the list due to difficulties in establishing inscription criteria and concerns about the potential commercialization of heritage. However, in 2010, the food cultures of the Mediterranean, Mexico, and France were inscribed on UNESCO's Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, which prompted interest in food culture and efforts to inscribe the food heritage of a number of other countries, including Korea. France has a long history of interest in gastronomy as a cultural heritage and part of its national identity. Efforts to preserve and popularize gastronomy as a part of the national identity and heritage have been made at both the private level, by gourmets and associations, and at the governmental level. Through these efforts, the culture of gastronomy as a heritage has been firmly established through theoretical discussion, listing of food-related heritages, and policies. Sustainable development of the heritage is pursued through certain ongoing institutional approaches, including the City of Gastronomy network, the National Food Program, and the promotion and labeling of the Year of the French Gourmet.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.19
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• pp.347-378
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• 2009

Those who were from Jaeincheon and Jaein line entertainers played great roles during transition period from traditional society to modern society, and even at present the dances of them are the representative traditional dances of Korea and the matrix of Korean originality. Nevertheless, Korea dance field has given little importance to these dances, but too much importance to Gibang dance in studying traditional dances, which causes the studies on Jaein line danced to be superficial or separate. Therefore, the aims of this article are to analyze the dances of Jaein line by Han Seong-jun, who was representative for the dances, and to appraise the historical value of them. Han Seong-jun(1874-1942) was the most influential dummer and dancer of his day in Japanese colonial times, and has been recognized as one of the masters of traditional dances. He established autonomy of traditional dances by reorganizing, collecting and stage-formalizing the dances, and systemized transmitting ways for various folk dances including a Buddhist dance, which made it possiblefor those dances to be traditional dances of Korea and the bases for creative dances. The values of Jaein line dances, which were transmitted through Han, are the following: First, the dances have been designated as national or regional intangible cultural assets, and, as the representative traditional arts, we proudly show them to the world. Second, the dances, as one of the genres of Korean dances, are the subjects of younger scholars' studies. Third, the dances become one of the representative examples of revivals of traditional dances, which tend to be extinct during modernization times, and contribute to establishing national identity and subjectivity. In addition, they contribute to discovering and transmitting other traditional dances. Fourth, the dances enable many dancers to make association, that is, Association for Preservation of Traditional Dances,for the transmitting the dances, and to distribute the dances and get many dancers to transmit the dances. Furthermore, as new performance repertories, they give another pleasure to the audience. In addition to the above, as a base for expansion of Korean creative dances, Han's dances have other values such as the following: First, in searching for a new methodology for creation, he played an important role in rediscovering the foundation in the tradition, and tried to discover nationalidentity by employing the traditional dances for expression of theme. Second, he contributed to drastically dissolving the genres by expanding the gesture language from motion factors of traditional dances, which can be compared to the modern dance. Third, he tried new challenging approaches to re-create the tradition, and contributed to pursuing the simple elements of our traditional dances as traditional aesthetics. While the dances of Jaein line have such values as the above, there are also some problems around the dances, such as the confusion in the process of transmission resulted from different transmission forms and transmitters, which we must no longer leave as it is. Furthermore, it is urgent that the rest of Jaein line dances be recovered and designated as intangible cultural assets for the sound transmission of the traditional dances.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.4-24
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• 2009

This paper examined archaeological resources that discuss how Silla entered the Gangneung area, the coastal region along the East Sea that has been excavated most actively. Silla expanded its territories while organizing the its system as an ancient state and acquired several independent townships in various regions, stretching its forces to the East Sea area faster than any other ancient states of the time. In particular, many early relics and heritages of Silla have been found in Gangneung, the center of the East Sea area. Many archaeological resources prove these circumstances of that time and provide brief texts that are valuable for our interpretation of historical facts. In this respect, it was possible for me to examine these resources to answer my question as to why early relics and heritages of Silla are found in the Gangneung area. Based on my research on Silla's advancement into the Gangneung area, I have acquired the following results: How did Silla rule this area after conquering Yeguk in the Gangneung area? After conquering the Gangneung area, Silla attempted an indirect ruling at first. Later, Silla adopted a direct ruling system. I divided the indirect ruling period into two phases: introduction and settlement. In detail, Silla's earthenware and stone chamber tombs first appeared in Hasi-dong in the fourth quarter of the 4th Century and the tombs spread to Chodang-dong in the second quarter of the 5th Century. A belt with dragon pattern openwork, which seems to be from the second quarter of the 5th Century, was found to tell us that the Gangneung region began receiving rewards from Silla during this time. Thus, the period from the fourth quarter of the 4th Century to the second quarter of the 5th Century is designated as the 1st Phase (Introduction) of indirect ruling in terms of aechaeological findings. This is when Silla was first advanced to the Gangneung area and tolerated independent administration of the conquered. In the third and fourth quarters of the 5th Century, old mound tombs appeared and burials of relics that symbolized power emerged. In the third quarter of the 5th Century, stone chamber tombs were prevalent, but wooden chamber tombs, stone mounded wooden chamber tombs, and lateral entrance stone chamber tombs began to emerge. Also, tombs that were clustered in Hasi-dong and Chodang-dong began to scatter to Byeongsan-dong, Yeongjin-ri, and Bangnae-ri nearby. Steel pots were the symbol of power that emerged at this time. In the fourth quarter of the 5th Century, stone chamber tombs were still dominating, but wooden chamber tombs, stone mounded wooden chamber tombs, and lateral entrance stone chamber tombs became more popular. More crowns, crown ornaments, big daggers, and belts were bestowed by Silla, mostly in Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong. The period from the third quarter to the fourth quarter of the 5th Century was designated as the 2nd Phase (Settlement) of indirect ruling in terms of aechaeological findings. At this time, Silla bestowed items of power to the ruling class of the Gangneung area and gave equal power to the rulers of Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong to keep them restrained by each other. However, Silla converted the ruling system to direct ruling once it recognized the Gangneung area as the base of its expedition of conquest to the north. In the first quarter of the 6th Century, old mound tombs disappeared and small/medium-sized mounds appeared in the western inlands and the northern areas. In this period, the tunnel entrance stone chamber tombs were large enough for people to enter with doors. A cluster of several tunnel entrance stone chamber tombs was formed in Yeongjin-ri and Bangnae-ri at this time, probably with the influence of Silla's direct ruling. In the first quarter of the 6th Century, Silla dispatched officers from the central government to complete the local administration system and replaced the ruling class of Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong with that of Silla-friendly Yeonjin-ri and Bangnae-ri to reorganize the local administration system and gain full control of the Gangneung area.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.62-79
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• 2017

The principle of repairing the architectural heritage in China was first presented by Liangsicheng of Society for Research in Chinese Architecture in the 1930s, and it was stated as "Restoration of Historic Condition or Preservation of Existing Condition" in 1961 in the "Provisional Regulations on the Protection and Management of Cultural Relics" after various repair experiences under the social and political background of the 1950s. Restoration of historic condition generally means restoration to original shape, and because architectural heritage was often repaired based on similar principle in Korea and Japan in the early and mid 20th century, it can be said that the restoration of historic condition was a universal and leading principle in this period in Northeast Asia. In China, however, the preservation of existing condition is equally specified along with the restoration of historic condition. When considering the leading trend of the time, it seems to be rather unexpected, which leads to questions about the formation process and meaning. The research on Liangsicheng, which first suggested the principle of repair, is very important, but there is a lack of three-dimensional analysis of his principles compared with active research on international principles in China. In order to understand the process of formation and its meaning of the principle of repair in China, we first need to analyze the principle proposed by Liangsicheng, and it is necessary to comprehensively examine how the principle have changed under the social background surrounding architectural heritage conservation after the founding of the People's Republic of China(PRC). In this paper, we first show that Liangsicheng has proposed a principle of restoration of historic condition with important values in the originality, and at the same time he opened the possibility of preservation of existing condition for the result of value judgment or realistic reason. In addition, we examine the process of equalizing preservation of existing condition with a restoration of historic condition as a realistic principle due to the influence of Soviet architectural heritage conservation system and Chinese economic development oriented policy after the founding of PRC.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.32-47
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to examine the vegetation maintenance project that was conducted as a part of the Official Development Assistance (ODA) project for the historic site of Angkor, to analyze the aspects and characteristics of the project, and to derive implications for the establishment of future policies and strategies. First, the key words used in the vegetation maintenance project at the historic site of Angkor do not only refer to the concept of plants (and more specifically to 'trees') but also to the concept of heritage. In other words, the concept of heritage is not limited to architectural structures but is also intended to mean the vegetation and surroundings that form the historic site. Second, the expansion of the value of vegetation has contributed to the establishment of the basic principles of conservation based on the 'coexistence' between architectural structures and vegetation; here, vegetation has come to be recognized as an 'essential' element in the conservation of historic sites. Third, the range of vegetation maintenance has expanded from each tree to the surroundings of the temples, and vegetation maintenance came to adopt 'integrative' and 'active' directions to improve not only the growth environment of the vegetation but also the viewing environment experienced by visitors. This change means that it is necessary for the historic site maintenance project to comprehensively deal with the temples and their surrounding areas. Fourth, for the effective performance of the ODA project, the role of the International Coordinating Committee for the Safeguarding and Development of the Historic Site of Angkor (ICC-Angkor), under the influence of UNESCO, was expanded from an examination of the problems with the existing projects to a search for solutions to technical consultation and supervision. This implies that, in order to perform the ODA project in a way that is appropriate to the local conditions, it is important to reach gradual and phased agreements with ICC-Angkor.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.260-279
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• 2010

The analysis on bibliography and field investigation of Callipogon relictus Semenov, 1898 (Korean natural monument number 218) shows that the size varies from country to country, and Korean specimens, for which male is 85~120mm and female is 65~85mm, are found to be the largest. The average diameter and length of egg are 2.60mm and 6.72mm respectively. The larva has milky color and is about 100~150mm in length. The pupa is nearly 70~110mm. An adult generally appears from June to September in Korea in the broadleaf forest of lowland, whereas it appears from June to July in China. It is known that the pupa largely feed on the old tree trunk of Carpinus laxiflora (Siebold & Zucc.) blume in Korea, but no such data have been reported in China and Russia, showing differences in host plants. While the larva period is not exactly known in Korea, it is reported to be two years in China. It appears that the species inhabits in very limited regions of approximately between geographical latitude $37.5^{\circ}{\sim}47.8^{\circ}$ and longitude $126^{\circ}{\sim}140^{\circ}$ including Korea, China and Russia. To conserve the long-horned beetle in Korea, this research drew out following some conclusions through analyzing the references and field survey data. First, it need to perform precise survey on the natural environment of occurring and collected area or place including host plant kinds, temperate, humidity, latitude, longitude etc. Second, habitat region must be designated as a restricted development area, and it need to exclude or reduce the damage factors to prosper reproduction of the species. Third, it is necessary to keep loosing cautiously artificial breeding individuals in the reported sites, not disturbing scope of natural populations. Fourth, it needs to educate or publicize many people importance and value of this species through many methods.