• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.62
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• pp.37-65
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• 2016

This paper is to explain who are the authors of first-half 18th Century private prose YeonHangRok(燕行錄) written in Chinese Character and what are interest-oriented aspects of that books. As objects of study, 3 private prose YeonHangRok(燕行錄) written by No-Ron Jeon -Ju Lee's Family(老論 全州李氏) were chosen. Result of reading articles in their anthology, I found their consciousness about going to Beijing. : They aware of "The importance of YeonHang(燕行)" and when they run a mission, they take an attitude of 'observation and attention' to their experience. With that consciousness of YeonHang(燕行) in common, So-jae(疎齋), Il-am (一菴) and Hanpojae(寒圃齋) wrote their YeonHangRok(燕行錄) that mainly describe their direct experience. So-jae(疎齋) and Hanpojae(寒圃齋)'s categories of descriptions are specialized in 'Public Affairs' and 'mission', Il-am(一菴) has widened to the everyday cultures and people of Other cultures.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.167-206
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• 2009

This paper discovers and introduces the collection of letters, "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" which was made by Kim Youngjak(1802~1868) who had collected the letters from Chinese intellectuals. "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" is a collector which contains handwritten letters to Kim Youngjak from Chinese people such as cheng gong shou(程恭壽), weng xue han(翁學涵), zhang bing yan(張丙炎), shao yan han(少言翰), and li wen yuan(李文源). Kim Youngjak had frequent meetings with Chinese intellectuals not only directly but also indirectly. He had exchanged letters with li bo heng(李伯衡), shuai fang wei(帥方蔚) for 30 years. In 1858, he went to Beijing and met Chinese intellectuals ye ming li(葉名澧), zhang bing yan(張丙炎), wu kun tian(吳昆田), cheng gong shou(程恭壽), and zhao guang(趙光). After coming back to Chos?n, he continued to exchange letters with them. "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" contains autograph letters by Kim Youngjak and Chinese intellectuals. It has ten letters for Kim Youngjak written by cheng gong shou(程恭壽), weng xue han(翁學涵), zhang bing yan(張丙炎), shao yan han(少言翰) and so on. One letter and five poems which zhao ting huang(趙廷璜) wrote to the son of Kim are also contained. The letters by zhao ting huang(趙廷璜) shows a sincere friendship with Kim Youngjak. The relationship between li bo heng(李伯衡) (who had exchanged letters with Kim for 30 years) and his son li wen yuan(李文源) proves that the cultural interchange between Korea and China had lasted successively. Kim Youngjak has not been widely known in academic circles yet but should not be ignored for the study in the cultural interchange between Korea and China. He proposed to have a relationship with li bo heng(李伯衡) and shuai fang wei(帥方蔚) first and they sent back positively. Therefore, they had a literal and private relationship by only exchanging letters each other. Also considering the fact that Kim Youngjak, as a man of high birth, had a close relationship with Chinese intelletuals, we can notice that Chinese and Korean intellectuals had open minds based on sincerity and trust. This was possible because many intellectuals before him like Hong Daeyong made a basis of the tradition of companionship. At this point, the relationship between Kim Youngjak and Chinese intellectuals and "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" have an important value. The collections of Kim Youngjak's works contain only several letters and poems which he sent to Chinese intellectuals. Accordingly, the letters in "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" are important to understand the aspects of their interchange.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.227-234
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• 2022

Seok Jeon Hwang Wook (18913~1999), a descendant of a traditional literary writer in the western part of Honam, did not join the flow of modern and contemporary calligraphy and painting. And throughout his life, he enjoyed himself without losing the appearance of a scholar, immersed himself in traditional calligraphy, and gained spotlight at his late age for his original hand grabbing calligraphy. Immediately after the Korean War, all of his property was lost due to his two sons' left-wing activities, causing great pain at home. Even in the most painful and difficult time in human history, he relied on brushes, poetry, and gayageum to keep his upright scholarly spirit and national love. And beyond the pleasures of the worldly senses, he played with self-satisfaction in the 'true pleasure(大樂)' without greed. In the course of his studies, he focused on honing the fonts of Wang Hui-ji, Gu Yang-sun, An Jin-gyeong, Jo Maeng-bu, and Xin-wi and Lee Sam-man without a special teacher. In particular, he faced a crisis of having to give up his brush due to tremor that came after his 60th birthday, but he showed a strong will. He transformed it into a new style of art, such as developing hand grabbing calligraphy(握筆法) with a strong and strong energy that no one could match. From 1965 to 1983, 'right hand grabbing calligraphy' was used, and from 1984 to 1993, 'left hand grabbing calligraphy' was used. She made her name as a calligrapher widely known in 1973 (age 76) with her first solo exhibition, The Calligraphy Exhibition commemorating her 60th wedding anniversary. His writing method is naturally rough and sloppy by breaking away from the previous calligraphy methods and artificial technique, and is unfamiliar yet full of muscle. And the calm, strong and rough chuhoegsa(錐劃沙) and the heavy yet majestic ininni(印印泥) individual handwriting expressed a strange feeling and achieved original Seokjeon calligraphy that went beyond the existing calligraphy writing methods, and his indomitable calligraphy spirit was As a unique existence in the history of calligraphy, he still remains as a model.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.55-64
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• 2022

This study aims to shed light on the cultural history of Hajodae(河趙臺) enjoyed by writers of the Joseon Dynasty by analyzing the origin and the contents of the landscape based on the literature materials of Hajodae in Yangyang(襄陽). The results of the study are as follows. First, Hajodae is a space that is said to have been visited by Ha Ryun(河崙) and Jo Jun(趙浚). However, since this story has not been confirmed in the literature, various opinions coexisted in history. Jo Wi-Han(趙緯韓) quoted the opinions of aged people who lived in Yangyang, saying that it could be Jo In-Byeok(趙仁壁), not Jo Jun(趙浚), and Jo Deok-Rin(趙德鄰) recorded it as "遐眺臺", which means "a stand for a distance view." There is a need to clearly present the origin of Hajodae by revealing the literary authority. Second, Hajodae was talked about as the best scenic site in Gwandong(關東) in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. during the mid-Joseon Dynasty. The writers of the time mentioned Hajodae as one of the best scenic sites in Gwandong, which soon became a symbol of Yangyang. These records of Hajodae show a relatively decreasing trend entering the late Joseon Dynasty. It is believed to be the result of the slight degrading in the status of Hajodae as the Eight Views of Gwandong were established and Naksansa Temple(洛山寺) gained fame. Third, the writers of Joseon enjoyed the scenic sites through various landscapes of Hajodae. The open terrain on three sides allowed a sea view and provided an opportunity to develop a great spirit or to reflect on oneself. On the other hand, the strange rock formations and cliffs, which correspond to a close-up view, drew the attention of tourists, and the Rosa rugosa Thunb. blooming in the Hajodae area was enough to show a bizarre charm. This shows the various charms of Hajodae, suggesting that the management of such landscape is necessary. Fourth, a Chinese poem about Hajodae shows the spatial meaning of Hajodae. Looking into all sides of the Chinese poem about Hajodae, a case of unburdening one's mind on the landscape, and the aspect a person compared oneself to the natural landscape or projected one's consciousness onto it, and a case of recalling Ha Ryun and Jo Jun, illustrious retainers in the early Joseon Dynasty are confirmed. It can be seen that it results in the aspect of expressing one's impressions and looking back on history through the landscape.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.289-303
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to provide adequate datas on number of people who are in golf related field and also further expend that number for golf industry. The main stream of this study is to map out present golf related jobs and how this study can help golf industry in general. To make a greater improvements on golf industry with more job opportunity following ideas were presented. First, improving education on "hand on experiences on the field of golf industry" Better educating potential employees for golf industry for the right positions can enhance overall work environment. To do so, the society and the schools must come to agreement to provide adequate curriculum for people. Second, implementing "a golf club division program." The support from Ministry of Culture and Sports and Tourism Department, which are govern by Republic of Korea, are aggressively working to expend the golf business and also recruit elite personnel like former tour players to work on the field to better operate the whole system. Third, performing a thorough research on current golf related jobs and numbers and diversity on the field. Fourth, developing a specific and a differentiated golf job fields for better future for people and students who majored in golf industry. So that they cam feel secured and have a sense of dignity. Finally, strengthening the golf industry's competitiveness. The golf related companies have to step up to higher gear. With working in harmony between golf industry and government can assure of brighter future for our next generation.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.409-449
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• 2017

The main purpose of this research is to investigate the qualitative nature of Korean adolescents and their parent's perception of elderly parents care. In addition, this research exams the quantitative differences between the two generations in term of their elderly parents care self-efficacy and attitude towards caring for their elderly parents. Further, an examination of the parental influence upon their children's elderly parents care self-efficacy and attitude towards caring for their elderly parents. There were 2,460 participants in this study, with 820 adolescents, and 820 fathers and 820 mothers. The results of the study were as follows: First, in terms the participants perceptions of "the most difficult aspect of caring for elderly parents", the most representative response for adolescents was financial difficulties, while for parents differences in opinions. When it came to "the best aspect of caring for elderly parents" the most representative response for adolescents was harmonious family, while for parents good for children's upbringing. When it came to "actual acts (behavior) of elderly parents care" the most representative response for adolescents was living together with their elderly parents, while for parents looking after their elderly parents. When it came to "the best method of caring for their elderly parents" the most representative response for both adolescents and parents was providing a peace-of-mind for their elderly parents, followed by the second most frequent response of adolescents living together with their elderly parents, and for parents talking with their elderly parents. When it came to "how one feels when not caring for their elderly parents" the most representative response for both groups was a feeling of indebtedness. Second, for the quantitative analyses of the differences between the two generations, the parents showed a lower level of elderly parents care self-efficacy and a higher level of negative attitude towards caring for their elderly parents, when compared to the adolescents. Third, for the parental influence upon the adolescents' elderly parents care self-efficacy and attitude towards caring for their elderly parents, the only significant influence found was the mothers' elderly parents care self-efficacy.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.505-532
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• 2012

The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship among the growth period wounds, inferiority complex and personality disorder of teenaged students, which affected their mental health. The subjects in this study were 2,110 secondary students. After a survey was conducted, the collected data were analyzed. Whether there would be any differences among the adolescents in those factors were analyzed, and multiple regression analysis and path analysis were carried out. As a result, there were relatively more significant problems with the growth period wounds, inferiority complex, personality disorder and mental health of the students who were girls, who were high schoolers, whose household economy was more vulnerable and whose academic standing was lower. The growth period wound that exerted the largest significant influence on inferiority complex was happiness, followed by wound of security and wound of recognition, and the growth period wound that had the greatest significant impact on personality disorder was happiness, followed by wound of security, wound of confidence, wound of love and wound of equity. The growth period wound that exercised the biggest influence on mental health was happiness, followed by wound of security, wound of confidence, wound of love and wound of equity. As for the influence of the variables related to mental health, the indirect effects of the growth period wounds through personality disorder and inferiority complex were greater than their direct effects. The findings of the study suggest that growth period wounds are likely to lead to inferiority complex and personality disorder and ultimately to the injury of mental health, and indicate the importance of healthy family environments and of educational environments in the growth period.and mental health was analyzed, there was a statistically significant positive(+) correlation among all the variables. Third, the wound factors related to happiness and stability were identified as the factors that affected inferiority complex among the growth period wound factors. Personality disorder was found to be under the influence of the wound factors related to happiness, stability, love, confidence and a sense of equality in the growth period, and mental health was found to be affected by the wound factors related to happiness, stability, confidence, love and a sense of equality. Fourth, the growth period wounds had a direct impact on mental health, and inferiority complex played a significant mediating role at that time. Every subfactor of personality disorder also produced significant mediating effects except the wound factor of pride. The above-mentioned findings suggest that every possible effort should be made to let secondary students get hurt less to promote their mental health and resolve their mental health problems, and that professional counseling intervention and institutional assistance are required to help them to remove their inferiority complex and personality disorder.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.40-69
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• 2023

This paper examines the relationship between celadon wine vessels and royal banquets by focusing on their unique forms. It explores the symbolism in their forms and designs and the changes that took place in the composition of these vessels. By examining the royal annals in Goryeosa (The History of the Goryeo Dynasty), the relation of celadon wine vessels and royal banquets is examined in terms of the number of banquets held in the respective reigns of the Goryeo kings, the number of banquets held by type, and the purpose of holding them. A royal banquet was a means of strengthening the royal authority by reinforcing the hierarchy and building bonds between the king and his vassals. It was also an act of ruling that demonstrated the king's authority and power through praise of his achievements and virtues. Royal banquets were held most often during the reigns of King Yejong (r. 1105-1122), King Uijong (r. 1146-1170), King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), and King Gongmin (r. 1351-1374). Particular attention is paid here to the changes in the types and forms of celadon wine vessels that occurred starting in the reigns of King Yejong and King Chungnyeol, which is also the period in which the number of royal banquets increased and royal banquet culture evolved. The king and his subjects prayed for the king's longevity at royal banquets and celebrated peaceful reigns by drinking and performing various related acts. Thus, the visual symbolism of vessels for holding, pouring, or receiving alcohol were emphasized. Since the manner of drinking at a banquet was exchanges of pouring and receiving alcohol between the king and his subjects, the design of the ewers and cups had a significant visual impact on attendees. It can be seen, therefore, that decorating wine vessels with Daoist motifs such as the immortals, luan (a mythological bird), turtle dragons, fish dragons, and gourd bottles or with Confucian designs like hibiscus roots was intended as a visual manifestation of the purpose of royal banquets, which was to celebrate the king and to pray for both loyalty and immortality. In particular, the Peach Offering Dance (獻仙桃) and Music for Returning to the Royal Palace (還宮樂), which correspond to the form and design of celadon wine vessels, was examined. The lyrics of the banquet music embodied wishes for the king's longevity, immortality, and eternal youth as well as for the prosperity of the royal court and a peaceful reign. These words are reflected in wine vessels such as the Celadon Taoist Figure-shaped Pitcher housed in the National Museum of Korea and the Bird Shaped Ewer with Daoist Priest in the Art Institute of Chicago. It is important to note that only Goryeo celadon wine vessels reflect this facet of royal banquet culture in their shape and design. The composition of wine vessel sets changed depending on the theme of the banquet and the types of liquor. After Goryeo Korea was incorporated into the Mongol Empire, new alcoholic beverages were introduced, resulting in changes in banquet culture such as the uses and composition of wine vessel sets. From the reign of King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), which was under the authority of the Yuan imperial court, royal banquets began to be co-hosted by kings and princesses, Mongolian-style banquets like boerzhayan (孛兒扎宴) were held, and attendees donned the tall headdress called gugu worn by Mongol women. During the reign of King Chungnyeol, the banquet culture changed 132 banquets were held. This implies that the court tried to strengthen its authority by royal marriage with the Yuan court, which augmented the number of banquets. At these banquets, new alcoholic drinks were introduced such as grape wine, dongnak (湩酪), and distilled liquor. New wine vessels included stem cups, pear-shaped bottles (yuhuchunping), yi (匜), and cups with a dragon head. The new celadon wine vessels were all modeled after metal wares that were used in the Yuan court or in the Khanates. The changes in the celadon wine vessels of the late Goryeo era were examined here in a more specific manner than in previous studies by expanding the samples for the study to the Eurasian khanates. With the influx of new types of wine vessels, it was natural for the sets and uses of Goryeo celadon wine vessels to change in response. The new styles of celadon wine vessels linked the Goryeo court with the distant Khanates of the Mongol Empire. This paper is the beginning of a new study that examines the uses of Goryeo celadon by illuminating the relations between royal banquets and these unique celadon wine vessels that are stylistically different from everyday vessels. It is to be hoped that more studies will be conducted from diverse perspectives exploring both the usage of Goryeo celadon vessels and their users.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.37-56
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• 2007

The purpose of this study is to provide basic resources to the first-grade Home Economics Regular Teacher Qualification Program (FGHERTQP) in order to improve its operation plans. For the study, the three methods were carried out: an analysis on the curricula of FGHERTQP over six years since 2000, a questionnaire asking their satisfaction degrees and needs on the programs which was answered by the home economics teachers who were the participants of FGHERTQP, and several statistical analyses such as a descriptive-test, a $X^2$-test, a t-test, and one way ANOVA by using SPSS Win ver 10.0. The results of the study were as follows; Firstly, FGHERTQP has been operated ten times by five training centers during resent six years. Subject matters ($1{\sim}7$), whole numbers of lectures ($11{\sim}29$), and their allotted working hours ($111{\sim}136$) vary with individual training centers and operation years. Secondly, when using 5 point likert scales, Contents and Methods of evaluation marked 3.08 which were the lowest scores, and Qualification Training in General marked 3.72 which was the highest score among five fields of Qualification Training in General, Contents, Organizations, Methods and Evaluation. The overall scores were low. Thirdly, in needs analysis on offering subject matters, the participants wanted to study the field of home economics education more than that of subject contents. Looking about the highest needs classified by domains, Food Principles & Meal Management showed the highest in Foods. And Consumer Issues in Clothing & Textiles in Textiles, Upcoming Housing Cultures in Housing, Family Relationship in Child Development & Family Relationship, Juveniles and their daily life as a consumer in Family & Consumer Resources Management. Fourthly, training centers' lectures available had a significant influence on the satisfaction degrees according to general characteristic variations of the participants. That is, as a training center offers more lectures in the field of subject education than those of subject contents, the participants showed higher satisfaction degrees (p<.05).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.220-239
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• 2019

According to the National Currency (國幣) article in GyeongGukDaeJeon (經國大典), the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn (朝鮮通幣之印) was a seal that was imprinted on both ends of a piece of hemp fabric (布). It was used for the circulation of hemp fabric as a fabric currency (布幣). The issued fabric currency was used as a currency for trade or as pecuniary means to have one's crime exempted or replace one's labor duty. The ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn would be imprinted on a piece of hemp fabric (布) to collect one-twentieth of tax. The ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn (朝鮮通幣之印) was one of the historical currencies and seal materials used during the early Chosun dynasty. Its imprint was a means of collecting taxes; hence, it was one of the taxation research materials. Despite its value, however, there has been no active research undertaken on it. Thus, the investigator conducted comprehensive research on it based on related content found in JeonRokTongGo (典錄通考), Dae'JeonHu-Sok'Rok (大典後續錄), JeongHeonSwaeRok (貞軒?錄) and other geography books (地理志) as well as the materials mentioned by researchers in previous studies. The investigator demonstrated that the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn was established based on the concept of circulating Choson fabric notes (朝鮮布貨) with a seal on ChongOseungp'o (正五升布) in entreaty documents submitted in 1401 and that the fabric currency (布幣) with the imprint of the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn was used as a currency for trade, pecuniary or taxation means of having one's crime exempted, or replacing one's labor, and as a tool of revenue from ships. The use of ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn continued even after a ban on fabric currencies (布幣) in March 1516 due to a policy on the "use of Joehwa (paper notes)" in 1515. It was still used as an official seal on local official documents in 1598. During the reign of King Yeongjo (英祖), it was used to make a military service (軍布) hemp fabric. Some records of 1779 indicate that it was used as a means of taxation for international trade. It is estimated that approximately 330 ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn were in circulation based on records in JeongHeonSwaeRok (貞軒?錄). Although there was the imprint of ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn in An Inquiry on Choson Currency (朝鮮貨幣考) published in 1940, there had been no fabric currencies (布幣) with its imprint on them or genuine cases of the seal. It was recently found among the artifacts of Wongaksa Temple. The seal imprint was also found on historical manuscripts produced at the Jikjisa Temple in 1775. The investigator compared the seal imprints found on the historical manuscripts of the Jikjisa Temple, attached to TapJwaJongJeonGji (塔左從政志), and published in An Inquiry on Choson Currency with the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn housed at the Wongaksa Temple. It was found that these seal imprints were the same shape as the one at Wongaksa Temple. In addition, their overall form was the same as the one depicted in Daerokji (大麓誌) and LiJaeNanGo (?齋亂藁). These findings demonstrate that the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn at Wongaksa Temple was a seal made in the 15th century and is, therefore, an important artifact in the study of Choson's currency history, taxation, and seals. There is a need for future research examining its various aspects.