• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.33-60
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• 2018

This article is to present that the research on the Mudang Gut Chum should be within the context of the performance of Mudang Gut and examines its meanings and implications with focus on Seoul Mudang Gut Chum and Hwanghae-do Mudang Gut Chum. Seoul and Hwanghae-do Mudang Gut Chums do not exist in the form of simple dance or movement. They feature continuity while serving the function of revealing the existence of spirit and sometimes show the process of the spirit joining the Gut ritual, which means that the Mudang Gut Chum should not be understood as the dance itself only. Instead, care attention should be paid to the status of the tune of Gut where the dance is placed, relationship between the gut and the spirit, and the flow of narrativity. Also, the Mudang Gut Chum has a lot to do with the tune. Looking at the Mudang Gut Chum simply focusing on dancing steps, and the movement of feet and/or hands fails to gain an accurate understanding of the fundamentals of the Mudang Gut Chum. Closely connected to the tune, which is also associated with the grade of the spirit, the dance shows a variety of performances conducted by entering the Gut ritual of the spirit. In that respect, complex views on the Mudang Gut Chum are required. The same applies to the hereditary shaman Mudang Gut as well. The Korean Mudang Gut Chum has a slight difference between the Gangshinmu gut and the hereditary gut but is in basically the same aspect. The Gut Chum holds its meaning in the flow of gutgeori (tune or dance performed during exorcism, a shaman song) and delivers its own meaning in connection with the tune. It is definitely meaningful to focus on the individual movements of a dancing shaman but one should be able to derive the network of meanings that such movements have within the performance of the gutgeori, which means that intensive studies on the field performance and circumstances should be completed before studying the Mudang Gut Chum. In addition, the Mudang Gut Chum discloses the characteristics of the performance group. The Mudang Gut Chum exists in a complex manner. With respects to the status of the spirit, it shows the characteristics of the performance group. It represents the progress of Gut while closely connected with the tune. Therefore, the way of describing the Mudang Gut Chum should be far more than just simply keeping the dance notations. With this in mind, one should investigate and record the Mudang Gut Chum.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.20
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• pp.213-249
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• 2010

Aside from the Kangryung masked dance, a masque dance in the near of Ongjin county in Hwanghae province has been transmitted. This article was written by two researchers to investigate this fact in a new way. Inwoo Song had conducted a focus interview aimed at persons who came from Ongjin to South Korea and Hyungho Chung had been responsible for summarizing and analyzing the interview. Bonyoung and Suyoung were a place in which a navy admiral stayed and a very rich area. These two places and Kangryung invited and perfomed each other. They kept a competition relationship for the performance. For this reason, the masque dance had advanced in this area. Compared to Kangryung masked dance, this masked dance had a difference in the performance order including a lion dance. Malddukyi dance was expressed in detail in the first part and Hanryang dance was performed independently in the middle of the dance. Sangjwa dance among dances was considered important. Also a lively Malddukyi dance was a scale which measured the skill of the dance. Chwiballyi starred in the dance. The mask was made from a paper and had a grotesque ghost face. This dance was played around Dan-oh. The music accompaniment was conducted by professional musician group, "Kyungjanpae", who lived in the vicinity. They had talents such as masked dance, tightrope dancing, tumbling in addition to music accompaniment. Especially, a local shaman took part in the Bonyoung masked dance and leaded an excorcism after the death of Halmi. Also, in the part of the Kwangdaedaegam gut, the shaman and village people put on the mask and danced together. Therefore, a shaman was closely connected with a local masked dance. After the Korean war, Kangryung masked dance was restored but Bongyoung and Sogang masked dance was not transmitted at all. This article will be helpful for completing the script and restoring the Bongyoung and Sogang masked dance.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.73-100
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• 2009

This article is considered how to utilize mime in the mudang gut. Actually, mime can't be the crux of mudang gut, and the only factors of mime is utilized. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to draw another nets of meanings in Mudang gut, not to study mime. First of all, I surveyed the constituent factors of mudang gut. One gutpan is combined with various factors. As a shamans(mudang), a musician, a jang gu player, a gongyangju(taking charge of food), a sibongja(helper for a shaman), and madangsoe (an under servant), they played their roles. The gut consists of equipment, food, clothes, music and dance. Next, I derived two nets of meaning out of considering a mudang gut performance of mudang (shaman). First, god in a general gutgeori appears expressing their existence by using mime with the music. Second, the following god appears expressing themselves using only mime without music. After showing who he is through action and facial expression, he continues to play a gut. Accordingly, mime of seoul gutpan plays a role to reveal the existence of god. Also, I divided the way of performing mudang gut into language performance and motions and then suggested that mime was mainly used in the motions. I surveyed a gutgeori using mime in the concrete. Through this, I suggested that the shaman used mime, when sending a deadman to the next world in a Jinogi gut. I suggested that mime was utilized repeatedly at the process of repelling the misfortune in a jaesu gut.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.10
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• pp.767-773
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• 2021

This thesis is a study on the rhythm of the funeri dance among the East Coast Guts. The jangdans used in the East Coast Gut are used for dance, samurai, and play scenes. In addition, it is a means for the shaman to perform the gut smoothly, and it also includes a role to represent humans and gods. In particular, the funeri jangdan has been performed in the preparatory stage before worshiping the god, prior to the ceremony of worshiping the god. Therefore, it can be said that it is a meaningful jangdan with a procedure for preparing to welcome the god and performing rituals and bows. In fact, if you are constrained by time while performing a gut, long jangdans respond with fast jangdans and sing samurai. On the other hand, the funeri jangdan is played without omission without any special measures. However, there are cases where one of Chapter 1 or Chapter 2 is omitted for circumstances, or only Chapter 3 is played. In other words, the verse of chapter 3 must be played. Judging from this aspect, it can be confirmed that the functional and ceremonial part of this jangdan is important to the progress of the funery jangdan. Therefore, if the position and function of the jangdan are recognized and the work is created through this study, its artistry and tradition will be further developed, and it is thought that it can be a stepping stone to increase the value of traditional art.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.19
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• pp.35-60
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• 2009

I insisted that the structure should be set newly, pointing out problems in a structure of the big gut, Jain dano je in this paper. Although, the big gut is playing now in Jain dano je, the features of gut geo-ri are vague ; that's why gut geo-ri and performances are entangled. Therefore, the gut geori showing strange structures not fitted with korean shamanist custom is playing these days like Pawangbyeolhui and Eoudong geori. The detailed procedure is also awkward. It is mixed with aspects of shaman custom in each region, instead showing features of regions. What's more, it became a dance drama, not gut geo-ri with several shamans dancing in a gut. Overcoming these problems, the big gut will be a cultural asset. Therefore, when considering the structure of korean gut, we will fit the order of gut geo-ri into the system of divine spirits keeping a plot-opening, developing and closing. It should be a gut geori-oriented play with only gut geo-ri things. Gut should be gone forward main shaman-oriented gut, setting up a main shaman who takes charge of each gut geo-ri. We should find out a new shaman who knows gut of Gyeong sang province well, if shaman who now takes charge of it has a problem. The big gut of Jain dano je became a part of intangible cultural assets. The performance is not a subject of curiosity and people's interests any more as it was in a past. It should be a traditional performance of representing our traditional culture. We should reorganize an epochal gut geo-ri after reexamining gut geo-ri which has played so far.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.5-43
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• 2011

Before the Korean War, Korean mask dramas had been performed as parts of seasonal customs and had been passed down in connection with various seasonal events, such as village rites, tug of war, torch fighting, Jisinbabgi(stepping on evil spirits), Gilnori, and Sattonoreum. However, after the Korean War, the dramas were played independently regardless of those seasonal events; thus, they have lost their original functions and meanings. After the Korean War, the lion dance in the Bukcheong lion mask play included two lions (as opposed to one lion prior to the Korean War) and the Aeonesung and Sadang dances were added. The scene in which a lion eats a child changed to a lion eating a rabbit doll. Furthermore, whereas mask types used to be diverse, they are now standardized to one type of lion mask. In the Yangju Byulsandae-nori, eight monks and Waejangnye, Aesadang appeared in 'Aesadang Bubgonori', but now the Malddugi mask character is added. Current performances omit sexually suggestive scenes. In the pre-Korean War version of the old man and old woman act, the old man sang a song to the soul of the dead woman, but now a shaman appears and performs an exorcism. In the dialogues, vulgar and sexual statements have been shortened as many audience members are women and children. Regarding the appearance of the masks, the lotus leaf, the monk with Scabies, and sannim masks have been significantly changed. Bongsantalchum has also changed, especially in the old monk act. Previously, two Somu used to appear whereas now only one appears. The scene of the shoe seller's and the monkey's departure is also different. Furthermore, while the former masks once had big eye holes on each side of the nose, now the masks have smaller holes on the eyes.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.441-471
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• 2018

East Coast Gut, Korean shamanism ritual on its east coastal area, is a Gut held in fishing villages alongside Korean east coastal area from Goseong area in Gangwon-Do to Busan area. East Coast Gut is performed in a series mainly by a successor shaman, Korean shaman, who hasn't received any spiritual power from a God, and the implications of this thesis lie in that we look over the learning aspects of Seokchool Kim shaman group among other East Coast Gut successor shaman groups after dividing it into 2 categories, successor shaman and learner shaman and based upon this, we reveal the meaning of the learning aspects of East Coast Gut. For successor shamans, home means the field of education. Since they are little, they chased Gut events performing dance in a series to accumulate onsite experiences. However, in the families of successor shamans that have passed their shaman work down from generation to generation, their descendents didn't inherit shaman work any longer, which changed the way of succession and learning of shaman work. Since 1980's, Gut has been officially acknowledged as a kind of general art embracing songs, dance and music and designated as a cultural asset of the state and each city and province, and at art universities, it was adopted as a required course for its related major, which caused new learner shamans who majored in shamanism to emerge. These learner shamans are taking systematical succession lessons on the performance skills of East Coast Byeolshin Gut at universities, East Coast Byeolshin Gut preservation community, any places where Guts are held and etc.. As changes along time, the successor shamans accepted the learner shamans to pass shaman work down and changes appeared in the notion of towners who accept the performer groups of Gut and Gut itself. Unlike the past, as Gut has been acknowledged as the origin of Korean traditional arts and as the product of compresensive learning on songs, dance and music and it was designated as a national intangible cultural asset, shaman's social status and personal pride and dignity has become very high. As shaman has become positioned as the traditional artist getting both national and international recognition unlike its past image of getting despised, at the site of Gut event or even in the relation with towners, their status and the treatment they get became far different. Even towners, along with shift in shaman groups' generation, take position to acknowledge and accept the addition of new learning elements unlike the past. Even in every town, rather than just insisting on the type or the event purpose of traditional Gut, they think over on the type of festival and the main direction of a variety of Guts with which all of towners can mingle with each other. They are trying to find new meanings in the trend of changing Gut and the adaptation of new generation to this. In our reality of Gut events getting minimalized along with rapid change of times, East Coast Gut is still very actively performed in a series until now compared to Guts in other regions. This is because following the successor shamans who have struggled to preserve the East Coast Gut, the learner shamans are actively inflowing and the series performance groups preserve the origin of Gut and try hard to use Gut as art contents. Besides, the learner shamans systematically organize what they learned on shamanism from the successor shamans and get prepared and try to hand it down to descendents in the closest possible way to preserve its origin. In the future, East Coast Gut will be succeeded by the learner shamans from the last successor shamans to inherit its tradition and develop it to adapt to the times.