• 사회경제평론
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.107-145
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• 2018

This paper presents that in the Russian Revolution 1) socialist and alternative democratic conceptions between Marx and Lenin are very different, 2) the process and cause of failure of realizing Lenin's democratic alternative conception, 3) the interactive expansion process of the party and the state, 4) the failing process of socialist original accumulation, collectivization, and constructing planned economy. This shows that Russia could not help fail to transit to socialist society due to the combination of wrong conceptions and that new revolution and construction should combine right socialist and democratic conceptions.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.142
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• pp.121-143
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• 2017

This research aims at examining two classist theories of the subject, elaborated by Negri-Hardt and $Ranci{\grave{e}}re$. Negri-Hardt proposed a new subject of the multitude, established by immaterial/biopolitical labor. This subject marks a new constitution of the proletariat which is the subject of Marxist politics. Like the proletariat, the multitude is established by economic objectivity. The democracy of the multitude becomes possible through the production of the 'common'. Economical elements always dominate the subject itself and subjective politics. The subject of the demos, established by Ranciere, is a party which claims its share in the dominating order of power. It is a subject subtracted from the logic of domination. The demos, therefore, is the subject which is constituted at the moment of the refusal of the established order and the place distributed. This refusal means a kind of subjectivity that transforms the dominating order. Then we take demos as the proper political subject subtracted from economical objectivity.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.23-45
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• 2021

In the 1980's, Lee Geun-sam wrote critiques that analyzed North Korea's performing arts and ideology. In the critiques, he posits the following characteristics of North Korea's performing arts. First, the works are designed in such a way to befit the purpose of the authorities' policy. Second, the works embrace political ideology whose purpose concerns class struggle. During the critique process, Lee Geun-sam compares the "freedom" of the performing arts activities in South Korea and the "regulatory" aspect of North Korea's performing arts activities and reveals implicitly the superiority of South Korea's system. In addition, Lee Geun-sam criticizes the political ideology of North Korea's performing arts and objects to viewing the concept of ideology from a Marxist viewpoint. According to Lee Geun-sam, an ideology is explained as an idea system representing an artist's conscious/unconscious worldview. Also, he contends that arts should distance itself from political ideology.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.12
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• pp.674-682
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• 2014

The personality in Marx's philosophy can be defined as an 'activity on the basis of social relations'. This concept suggests two significant implications to the difference of sexual identity between the sexes. First, according to Marx's philosophy the personality is partially influenced by the ideology. Freud's theory of Oedipus is founded on the patriarchal culture including the ideology. Freud's concept of personality ignores that aspect. That's why Freud's theory of Oedipus complex can be criticized. This is because of his ignorance of the affecting power of male chauvinism in patriarchal society. Second, more importantly and definitely, the difference of activity, especially labor, that is, male's social labor and female's private labor, has influenced the difference of the personality of both sexes.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.146
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• pp.115-135
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• 2018

This article attempts to deal with the problem that science and technology function as a mechanism to oppress and exploit humans rather than to release humans from labor. To explore this subject, it is necessary to consider the difference between the theory of labor value and the theory of 'technology value'. In addition, it is also important to refer to Marx's critical view of the 'capitalist' use of technology. Above all, Marx' concepts of relative surplus value and special surplus value, and his analysis of organic composition of capital are still valid in explaining that development of technology tightens control over workers and intensity of labor, and worsens instability of employment. Reflection of the limitations of capitalist development of technology is also important for realization of its usefulness. Industry 4.0 in Germany therefore deserves to be noticed as a good example because it shows a different way from extreme capitalist exploitation. The model suggests also some points that shouldn't be overlooked, when we try to actualize the tremendous slogan of the current fourth industrial revolution as real innovation and progress in human life. In this matter, the most important point is the possibility of technological development that doesn't oppose workers' interests.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.223-254
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• 2009

This thesis is aimed at researching the formation of democracy in socialist China. Due to a sense of cultural superiority on the basis of their developed civilization, they already formed a strong cultural nationalism, which has come to firm up into "Sinocentrism" through long periods of time. However, there arose a sense of crisis due to the Western invasion after the Opium War and the intellectuals in China happened to seek the solution to rescuing their mother land from ruin; in the midst of this process, the theory of social evolution of the West was introduced and accepted. The acceptance of this theory of social evolution gradually transformed in confrontation with a logical limit that China defeated in international competition could not but be plundered by imperialism after all, but it contributed to Chinese intellectuals' forming the concept of the modern state nationalism of the West deviating from cultural Sinocentrism. After the Russian Revolution, a large number of Chinese progressive intellectuals developed their socialist movement with the recognition that Marxism was a practicable alternative to rescue China from its crisis. The Chinese Communist Party was under guidance of the Comintern from the early process of its formation, in which they emphasized the fact the national liberation struggle in colonialized countries was an indispensable element in the world communist movement under the condition of the control of the world by imperialist capital at that time and subsequently, Marxism characterized by resistant nationalism in China gained its cause. Afterwards, the People's Republic of China was established by the Chinese Communists which came to get widespread support from the Chinese through anti-imperialism &feudalism in the process of the Sino-Japanese War, and thus China equipped with a full-blown socialism system set sails. However, with the relations with the Soviet Union getting worse under the international conditions of a cold war, the development of the Chinese socialism couldn't but resort to the concentrated power of its people, which was linked to the boost of continuous patriotism of the Chinese Communists. Particularly, due to the newly-emerging contradictions after reform & opening [gig kifng], China underwent disruption; thus, as an ideology to integrate such disruptive elements, Sinocentrism based on China's cultural pride re-appeared. Recently, a very strong form of Sinocentrism has come to the fore as their superiority of traditional cultures is emphasized in China whose international position as an economic power has been raised.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.8
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• pp.130-143
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• 2017

This study examines the theoretical framework of "B" local union, which conducts "class-oriented" labor movements in contemporary Japan. "Class-oriented" labor movements are active, while they have been residual on the margins of Japanese society and the country's labor movement situation. This research examines a theoretical framework for "class-oriented" labor movements and investigates Williams' "structure of feeling." First, the "structure of feeling" concept is examined. Second, the study compares several theories on the working class of Marxism and alternative subjects of "linguistic turn." Third, this study redefines the "structure of feeling" in terms of the case of "B" local union. The results show that "collective workers-individualize workers" and "workers-non-workers" of "B" local union establish their own labor movements on the material or immaterial space and consider their "structure of feeling" as the "negotiation and contradiction on the class-orientation." Consequently, this study offers a model of their "structure of feeling."

• Survey Research
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.87-105
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• 2010

This study purports to empirically examine the potential effect of the level of social trust on their welfare consciousness level. Although previous studies in the field have focused on socio-economic or class-oriented variables, the accumulated results have shown that the effects were inconsistent at best in Korean context. In order to overcome the limits of theoretical assumptions from mainstream Marxists and institutionalists, this study suggests the relative autonomy of social consciousness and its independent effect on welfare consciousness. The analysis shows that both foundational variables, income levels and labor market participation, and the level of social trust have significant impacts upon the respondents' level of welfare consciousness.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.64 no.4
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• pp.629-649
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• 2018

To date, one of the prevailing criticisms of Daniel Defoe's Robinson Crusoe has seen the adventure novel as a celebration of the rise of mercantile capitalism and the beginnings of colonialism. From this point of view, the Englishman has often been interpreted as an early embodiment of the concept of the sovereign economic subject. Prominent social critics who took up this interpretation have included Karl Marx, Max Weber, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Within literary studies proper, the work of Ian Watt offered perhaps the earliest version of this point of view of the novel. Influenced by both Weber and Rousseau, Ian Watt argued that Defoe's wandering protagonist embodies the rise of economic individualism. More recent criticism has tended to challenge this dominant interpretation by laying greater stress on such countervailing factors as Crusoe's mental uncertainty and inner conflict. Drawing inspiration from Fredric Jameson's diagnosis of the ills of late capitalism, this paper analyzes the ways in which Defoe's hero, rather than championing modern rationality, can in fact be seen as suffering from many forms of emotional psychosis. Robinson Crusoe can, after all, be better viewed as a contradictory multi-layered text that, despite its outward valorization of economic individualism, portrays its hero as a victim of negative capitalistic forces, a hero driven by his desire to possess but haunted by a fear of loss, a hero who flaunts inflated feelings of self-worth even as he reveals deflated notions of material insecurity and mental persecution.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.76-84
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• 2010

This study is to critically examine a variety of perspectives of seeing the interactions among space, people, and society. According to Tuan, place is a center of meaning constructed by people's experience, and its attributes consist of natural and built-up environments. Entrikin suggests a way of seeing place from a contrary perspective, that is, the subjective and existential sense of place and the objective and naturalistic conception of place. Lefebvre examines the historical transformation of social space through the dialectics among the perceived space, the conceived space, and the lived space. Social space is (re)produced and changed through the conflictual unit of the spatial triad. The project of Foucault's spatial metaphor is to tightly combine three critical concepts, power, knowledge, and space. Those concepts are not objectively existed regardless of specific times and spaces, but they are socially and culturally constructed through the networks of people under particular environments. In the following papers, it is needed to comparatively examine the various perspectives mentioned above to make a new conceptual framework of understanding the interactions among space, people, and society.