• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.5-36
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• 2022

The Russia-Ukraine War was a "three-layer compounded war" between the US and Russia, Russia and Ukraine, and Ukrainian government forces and rebels. First, the war is a phenomenon that occurred when the western sphere of influence seeking to maintain and strengthen the liberal international order and the Sino-Russian sphere of influence seeking a new alternative order collided in Ukraine, a geopolitical fault zone. Second, this war is the result of a typical 'security dilemma' phenomenon caused by the 'chain reaction' game of NATO's continuous expansion and Russia's response. Third, the Russia-Ukraine war was caused by the Russian military projection to prevent the military restoration of Donbas region by Ukraine. Until now, the Western world, led by the US, showed unexpected solidarity after the war despite subtle differences in positions. However, the non-Western world, including China, is not participating in the condemnation and sanctions against Russia. This war will be an important turning point in the existence and change of the current international order that has been formed and is operating since the end of the Cold War. The direction of maintenance/restoration, revision/change, and end/transformation of the current international order is highly likely to be determined depending on the development pattern and method of ending the war.

• Journal of Space Technology and Applications
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.169-186
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• 2022

In this article, Russia's space threat assessment and space warfare in the Russia-Ukraine war (Russian invasion of Ukraine) were analyzed and summarized. Considering the probability that commercial satellites will also be potential targets of space warfare, it is suggested that not only military satellites but also commercial satellites develop and apply space technology that can be applied equally to space threats when developing space technology. Necessary space technologies is listed.

• KIPS Transactions on Computer and Communication Systems
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• v.11 no.10
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• pp.353-362
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• 2022

The Russian-Ukraine war is accompanied by a military armed conflict and cyberattacks are in progress. As Russia designated Korea as an unfriendly country, there is an urgent need to prepare countermeasures as the risk of cyberattacks on Korea has also increased. Accordingly, impact of 19 cyberattack cases were analyzed by their type, and characteristics and implications were derived by examining them from five perspectives, including resource mobilization and technological progress. Through this, a total of seven measures were suggested as countermeasures for the Korean government, including strengthening multilateral cooperation with value-sharing countries, securing cyberattack capabilities and strengthening defense systems, and preparing plans to connect with foreign security companies. The results of this study can be used to establish the Korean government's cybersecurity policy.

• The Journal of the Institute of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.25-30
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• 2022

This study is a study on the filter bubble reinforcement phenomenon of SNS recommendation algorithm such as YouTube, which is a characteristic of the Russian-Ukraine war (2022), and the victory or defeat factors of the hybrid war. This war is identified as a hybrid war, and the use of New Media based on the SNS recommendation algorithm is emerging as a factor that determines the outcome of the war beyond political leverage. For this reason, the filter bubble phenomenon goes beyond the dictionary meaning of confirmation bias that limits information exposed to viewers. A YouTube video of Ukrainian President Zelensky encouraging protests in Kyiv garnered 7.02 million views, but Putin's speech only 800,000, which is a evidence that his speech was not exposed to the recommendation algorithm. The war of these SNS recommendation algorithms tends to develop into an algorithm war between the US (YouTube, Twitter, Facebook) and China (TikTok) big tech companies. Influenced by US companies, Ukraine is now able to receive international support, and in Russia, under the influence of Chinese companies, Putin's approval rating is over 80%, resulting in conflicting results. Since this algorithmic empowerment is based on the confirmation bias of public opinion by 'filter bubble', the justification that a new guideline setting for this distortion phenomenon should be presented shortly is drawing attention through this Russia-Ukraine war.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.85-114
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to analyze Russia-Central Asia relations since the launch of the EAEU in 2015 and forecast the future from a structural realism perspective. Bilateral relations have both elements of close cooperation and elements of conflict. Russia and Central Asia, which have the characteristics of an authoritarian alliance, also have a symbiotic relationship in which they have no choice but to cooperate with each other to maintain the regime. Based on this, Russia has made various efforts to reunify Central Asia. Central Asia also has no choice but to cooperate with Russia for its survival, but at the same time, it has expanded its scope of cooperation in the international community to avoid being subjugated to Russia again. However, as China's power expands, Russia's relative weakness, and wariness toward Russia increases after the Ukraine War, the gap in bilateral relations is widening. In particular, as China's influence grows, Russia's nervousness also increases. This is why Putin visits Central Asia and holds active summit talks even during the war in Ukraine. If competition between Russia and China surfaces, there is a high possibility that the international order in Central Asia will become unstable. However, it is still unlikely that the power of Russia and China will reverse in Central Asia. Above all, the security, historical, and cultural connections between Russia and Central Asia are areas that are difficult for China to catch up with. Therefore, a weakening of Russia's influence compared to the past is inevitable, but its superiority is expected to continue. If Russia breaks away from belligerence and transforms into an attractive cooperative partner, there is a possibility that bilateral relations will take an upward turn again. However, it seems unlikely that such changes and innovations will occur under the Putin regime. Therefore, the biggest obstacle to realizing Putin's goal of reunifying Central Asia is Putin himself.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.25-29
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• 2024

After the Russia-Ukraine War, NATO broke away from the peacekeeping strategy that it had maintained and declared that it would strengthen the multilateral security consultative body, pursue strategic stability, expand armaments, cooperate security, and strengthen dialogue and cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region. Changes in NATO's strategy directly and indirectly affect Korea's security environment. Only by clearly analyzing this and establishing policies and strategies to respond to it can the threat be suppressed and national interests protected. NATO designates China and Russia as threats. By using cooperation and solidarity with NATO as an opportunity, we will be able to strengthen security cooperation and alliances, develop and expand the defense industry market, and expand opportunities to participate in the Ukraine reconstruction project.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.115-120
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• 2022

The Rsussian Armed Forces(RAF) invaded Ukraine on Feburary 24. However, the Armed Forces of Ukraine(AFU) unexpectedly blocked the Russian wave attack made the war between Ukraine and Russia lengthened. Major think-tanks and military experts in the world assessed that the AFU overwhelmed the RAF at the initial stage of the war because of decentralized combats based on mission command. Especially, the decentralized small units of the AFU damaged the RAF and slowed down its Iniative. The 4^th industrial revolution makes the Korean Peninsula the multi-domain battlefield in the future; accordingly, the Decentralized combat won't be a choice, but a necessity in the future. Therefore, the AFU's offensive decentralized combats in this war Suggests many things to the Republic of Korea Army.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.65-86
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• 2024

This study delves into the geopolitical tensions surrounding Ukraine throughout modern European history, aiming to shed light on its significance in geopolitical discourse. Since the 19th century, European powers, particularly the Anglo-Saxons and Germans, have formulated distinct geopolitical strategies concerning the Eurasian continent, with Ukraine at its focal point. The Crimean War and the German-Soviet War serve as key events to analyze these powers' geopolitical ambitions and interests. The British Empire, driven by its doctrine of thwarting land powers with sea power, intervened in the Crimean War against Russia. Its objective was to disrupt Russian dominance over Ukraine, thereby hindering Russian expansion into the Black Sea and Central Europe. On the other hand, the Third Reich of Germany, fixated on creating a European sphere exclusive from Anglo-Saxon sea powers and the Russian land power, initiated the German-Soviet War. This move aimed to secure a vast territory, including Ukraine, to facilitate expansion into the Caucasus and establish a buffer zone against the Soviet Union. Three key insights emerge from this analysis. Firstly, the absence of a dominant power rooted in Ukraine since the fall of the Principality of Kiev made geopolitical clashes inevitable. Secondly, these clashes ultimately result in a hollow victory for all involved parties, signifying the high costs and minimal gains of such confrontations. Lastly, the root cause of these clashes lies in the discord between exclusive geopolitical visions that fail to accommodate sustainable coexistence among diverse geopolitical spheres. In essence, the study underscores Ukraine's pivotal role in shaping European geopolitics and highlights the recurring clashes driven by competing visions of dominance and control over its territory. From the Crimean War to the German-Soviet War, the struggle for influence over Ukraine reflects broader geopolitical dynamics and the pursuit of strategic advantage by major powers. Ultimately, the study emphasizes the enduring significance of Ukraine in European geopolitics and the complexities inherent in managing its geopolitical tensions.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.6
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• pp.435-439
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• 2022

ROK has a lot to benchmark from how Ukraine is fighting Russia back with its tactical wins. They have taken a targeted strategy to strike Russia's top generals with high precision. To carry out this strategy, Ukraine is operating a Special Operations Force, which utilizes US/NATO forces, civilian and own resources for maximum impact. Of note, they utilize Starlink for seamless connection from detection, decision-making to strike to maximize operational efficiency. As ROK faces security threat of weapons of mass destruction, Ukraine's military intelligence organization set-up, weapons system and operations can provide some guidance on how to leverage its various SOF as well.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.1-5
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• 2024

With the Russia-Ukraine war ongoing, the war broke out due to a surprise attack by Hamas on October 7, 2023. Israel and Hamas had a conflict with similar causes and aspects in 2021, which was immediately resolved with a peace agreement. It is no exaggeration to say that 'human history is the history of war.' War accounts for a significant portion of human history. According to Kenneth Waltz, the violent and selfish nature of humans, the nature of nations pursuing their own interests, and the international system act simultaneously as causes of war. The purpose of this study is to analyze the causes of the Israel-Hamas war using Kenneth Waltz's three image theories to derive implications and provide implications for Korea's military strategy.