• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.181-212
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• 2018

In 2017, the government of Duterte, in the second year of the ruling, more strongly promoted peace and order policies and expressed independent diplomacy as the chairman of ASEAN. He continued to fight against drugs and tried to increase his political legitimacy through the punishment for corrupt officials. He also declared martial law in the Mindanao region because of the dissolution of the Maute group, a Muslim terrorist organization, and strengthened counterterrorism cooperation externally. In addition, as to Communist militants, he took the initial reconciliation gesture and promoted peace negotiations, however, concluded the peace tide and started the suppression operation due to a series of bloodshed. He still has a strong drive in peace and order issues, backed up by high support rate, but it is becoming a factor of anxiety as the socioeconomically underprivileged and minority groups are increasingly alienated. As the chairman of ASEAN, Duterte has a certain distance from the United States, which is a firm ally, but has turned to increase familiarity with China and Russia, which can take substantial economic benefits. Through diversifying the external economic support and increase of tax revenue, the priority task was to establish the infrastructure. Although the Philippines, which has a high economic growth rate, has a strong expectation that it can establish a solid infrastructure, tax reforms should be successfully completed in order not to repeat the previous failures, which has traditionally increased foreign debt burden by relying on external resources. It seems that it is necessary to find the meeting point of the foreign policy of Duterte and new Korean government's New Southern Policy, and to find possible economic cooperation policies to improve Philippine infrastructure.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.312-333
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• 2020

Korea-Africa relations date back to the period of independence of African countries. During this time, the ties between Korea and Africa has passed through stagnation, inconsistencies and weak diplomatic exchanges. Recently, Korea began to refocus its efforts towards Africa in order to revitalize their relations. This paper examines Korea's public diplomacy strategies towards Africa and how its various strategies are working in the interest of Korea as well as Africa. The study shows that Korea's renewed interest in Africa is primarily driven by the security threat from North Korea and the need to diversify its market for industrial goods as well as energy sources. The latter motives override Korea's interest in the continent. These motives are not at variance with those pursued by large powers like the US and China in Africa. Furthermore, the paper shows that Korea is employing a mixture of public diplomacy instruments in Africa with varied outcomes. Economic linkages between Korea and Africa are on an upward trajectory since the late 2000s. In order to build sustainable relations, the paper provides a number suggestions with far-reaching implications on Korea's public diplomacy towards Africa in the future.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.27-52
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• 2011

The regions of Central Asia have each acquired an elevated strategic importance in the new security paradigm of post-September 1lth. Comprised of five states, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, Central Asia's newly enhanced strategic importance stems from several other factors, ranging from trans-national threats posed by Islamic extremism, drug production and trafficking, to the geopolitical threats inherent in the region's location as a crossroads between Russia, Southwest Asia and China. Although the U.S. military presence in the region began before September 11th, the region became an important platform for the projection of U.S. military power against the Taliban in neighboring Afghanistan. The analysis goes on to warn that 'with US troops already in place to varying extents in Central Asian states, it becomes particularly important to understand the faultlines, geography, and other challenges this part of the world presents'. The Kyrgyz military remains an embryonic force with a weak chain of command, the ground force built to Cold War standards, and an almost total lack of air capabilities. Training, discipline and desertion - at over 10 per cent, the highest among the Central Asian republics - continue to present major problems for the creation of combat-effective armed forces. Kyrgyzstan has a declared policy of national defence and independence without the use of non-conventional weapons. Kyrgyzstan participates in the regional security structures, such as the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) and the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation (SCO) but, in security matters at least, it is dependent upon Russian support. The armed forces are poorly trained and ill-equipped to fulfil an effective counter-insurgency or counter-terrorist role. The task of rebuilding is much bigger, and so are the stakes - the integrity and sovereignty of the Kyrgyz state. Only democratization, the fight against corruption, reforms in the military and educational sectors and strategic initiatives promoting internal economic integration and national cohesion hold the key to Kyrgyzstan's lasting future

• Proceedings of the Korea Information Processing Society Conference
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• 2023.11a
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• pp.575-576
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• 2023

한국 수어는 소리로 말을 배울 수 없어서 사용하는 '보이는 언어'이고 한국수화언어를 줄인 말이다. 한국어나 영어와 같이 독립된 언어로 한국어와는 문법 체계가 다른 대한민국 농인의 고유한 언어이다. 하지만, 한국 사회에서는 수어를 일상어로 사용하는 농인이 수어만으로 다른 사람과 대화하거나 서비스 등을 이용하기에는 쉽지 않은 구조이다. 이에 본 논문에서는 택시라는 상황을 가정해 택시 안에서 학습된 모델이 농인의 수어를 인식하고 택시 기사에게 해당 의미를 전달하는 시스템을 제안한다. 제안 시스템을 통해 택시 기사는 농인(수어사용자)에게 응답할 수 있다. 본 논문에서는 한국수어 번역기 웹서비스를 설계 및 구현하여 실제 환경에서의 활용 가능성을 검증한다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.141-177
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• 2019

This paper explains cross-national variation of CPI(corruption perception index) centering on legal culture. By critically reviewing previous researches on effects of British common law system on corruption, we define legal culture as citizens' perception of their legal system. Specifically, measuring legal culture with respect to courts fairness and courts accessibility, we test two hypotheses on effects of legal culture on corruption. A cross-national comparison of 78 countries with OLS regression analyses reveals that courts fairness tends to lower the level of corruption while courts accessibility does not have a significant effect on corruption. Based on this result, we suggest policy implications for judicial reform as well as anti-corruption measure, which puts more emphasis on reforming legal practice that hinders courts fairness than increasing legal service supply. In addition, as the essence of legal culture lies in citizens' shared perception of the legal system, we argue that a broad and solid citizens' consciousness of fair and equitable legal procedures is indispensable in preventing corruption.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.54
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• pp.111-150
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• 2017

This paper examines the current situation of sources on Korean Class B and C war criminals attached as civilians to the Japanese military during the Asian Pacific War charged with cruelly treating Allied POWs in Japanese POW camps, and also explores the possibility of a joint Korean-Japanese archive of these sources. The Japanese government agreed to the judgement of war crimes by accepting the terms of the Potsdam Declaration, and the Allied troops carried out the judgement of Class B and C war crimes in each region of Asia and the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (also known as the Tokyo Trials). However, many non-Japanese such as Koreans and Taiwanese from the Japanese colonies were prosecuted for war crimes. The issues of reparations and restoring their reputations were ignored by both the Korean and Japanese governments, and public access to their records restricted. Most records on Korean Class B and C war criminals were transferred from each ministry to the National Archives of Japan. The majority are copies of the judgements of war crimes by the Allied nations or records prepared for the erasure of Japanese war crimes after each department operated independently of the Japanese government. In the case of the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, such records focused mostly on their war crimes and the transfer of B and C war criminals within Japan and the diplomatic situation. In the case of Korea and Taiwan, these records were related to the negotiations on the repatriation of Class B and C war criminals. In addition, the purpose of founding of the Japan Center for Asian Historical Records and its activities demonstrate its tremendous utility as a facility for building a joint Korea-Japan colonial archive. Thus, the current flaws of the Japan Center for Asian Historical Records should be improved on in order to build a such a joint archive in the future.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.117-155
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to identify the relationship between people's ideological orientation and the populist attitude in terms of demand of populism. The influence of subjective ideology evaluation and political party support on anti-elitism (AE), people centrism (PC) and anti-pluralism (AP) are analyzed in detail. To research this, the socioeconomic factors, democracy recognition and the method of political participation are set as control variables, and the ideologies are classified into extreme conservative, conservative, moderate, progress, and extreme progress. The data are collected through nationwide online survey. The results of the analysis are as follows: First, the powerful affinity between ideological orientation and populist attitude are confirmed. The support for conservative ideology (especially extreme conservative) and the conservative party are affecting the AE and AP, and the ideology of extreme progress and support for the progressive party are influencing the PC and AP. When putting together 3 types of attitude, the conservative (especially extreme conservative) and extreme progressive ideology are the factors that determine the populism attitude. Second, There was no impact of socioeconomic variables except gender (female) and age. Third, populist attitude have a multidimensional nature determined by democratic satisfaction, government trust, external efficacy, voting and non-voting activities.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.199-215
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• 2002

The socio-economic and environmental systems of world are in turmoil. International conflicts are placed in their geographical context through the integration of maps. Changes in the world political map have often been the outcome of wars and conflicts associated with major geopolitical transitions. We identify five basic types--proto-nationalism, unification nationalism, separation nationalism, liberation nationalism and renewal nationalism. Political leaders in a wide range of contexts have been able to appeal to the nationalist doctrine to justify their actions. In recent years indigenous peoples have found a new voice in their struggle for survival. Although colonial empire's ending followed long and bloody struggles in some places. We really cannot understand the modem world as a whole if we do not understand the dynamic of that part of it which has endured and struggled against colonialism. The patterns of the international conflicting area are divided internal conflict type, mixed conflict type, international conflict type. The formation factors of the international conflicting area are divided ethnic group, religion, colonialism, resource, territory. There has recently been a resurgence of Islam's importance in world affairs. The oil crises of the 1970s gave new international leverage to several Muslim states.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.23
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• pp.257-297
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• 2010

The U. S. government has a long history to classify and manage governmental records which are created, collected, and preserved for itself. During the colonial period before the independence, the U. S. mostly practiced the maintenances of secret records and restrictions of access to the records following a long convention without any specific legal authority. Since establishment of the U. S. Constitution, the government had kept secret records on the basis of constitutional authority. However, the U. S. government began to take shape the secret records management system when it participated in the World War I, which required the system to reflect the needs in reality to manage drastic increases in important military and foreign relation documents. The World War II made the U. S. government strengthen its secret records management system, and its conception of secret records management system at that time has sustained until now. It can be said that the current secret records management system of the U. S. government continues to be managed by constitutional authorities and the executive orders which are opt to change. This article intends to review the secret records management system of the U. S. from the initial history of the U. S. to the Cold War. To understand its system of secret management, the paper investigates the U. S. secret records management history by dividing into three periods: the period of establishment of its tradition(the Colonial era~just before the WWI); the period of taking shape of its system (the WWI~the WWII); and the period of current conception of its system. The criteria of these divisions are created based on the differences of the laws relevant to the secret records and the application methods of secret management system in reality.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.161-168
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• 2023

Recently, China-Taiwan relations are facing a crisis, and at the same time, the U.S.-China relationship and the structure of Northeast Asia are greatly shaken, so we should pay attention to changes in cross-strait relations. This study aims to predict how cross-strait relations will change after the party convention by analyzing Xi Jinping's Taiwan policy, focusing on the "Political Report" of the 20th party convention and the content analysis of leadership personnel. The results of the study are as follows. First, as the amendment to the party constitution announced after the closing of the party convention stipulates the possibility of armed invasion, Xi Jinping will implement a tough Taiwan policy emphasizing unification. Second, strategic competition with the United States will continue to intensify in the future when analyzing the contents of Chapters 2, 11, 13, and 14 of the "Political Reporting" and the personnel management of diplomatic and security leadership. As a result, cross-strait relations are expected to show instability for a considerable period of time. Third, at a time when Taiwan rejects the unification plan of "one country, two systems" and the tendency to de-Chineseize is strengthening, there is a possibility that legislation or specific enforcement ordinances will be enacted to strengthen the existing "Anti-Secession Law." Fourth, it is expected that strong and warm two-sided strategies will be used together, such as taking a strong response to external forces interfering with the Taiwan issue and Taiwan independence forces, and using incentives for the Kuomintang(KMT) and Taiwanese who are friendly to unification.