• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.180-203
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• 2020

In this study, the period before the Gwanbok of meritorious vassals' portraits was expressed in the acheongsaek-Heuk-Danryung was defined as the first period, and the costumes worn in portraits of meritorious vassals from Gaeguk (1392) in the early Joseon Dynasty to Jwali (1471) during the era of King Seongjong were reviewed. The portraits(1476) of Jeokgae meritorious vassals (1467) depicted as the Gwanbok of acheongsaek Heuk-Danryung were excluded. Among the copies that are currently considered to be portraits of meritorious vassals belonging to the first period, the portraits of Lee-je, Lee Cheon-woo, Ma Cheon-mok, Shin Suk-ju, Seol Gye-jo, and Lee Sung-won were selected, and the formative characteristics of Gwanbok components were examined. The Samo of Sam-Gongsin in the early Joseon Dynasty had a low height, a rounded end, and the side wings were narrow and short. However, since King Danjong, Jeongnan·Jwali meritorious vassals retained a higher form, and the side wings were twice as long. It was also confirmed that the pattern was not expressed in the side wings. The Danryung was expressed in light-colored Danryung without specific colors at the beginning of the country. After King Sejong, the Heuk-Danryung system for Yebok began, but it was not reflected in the Gwanbok of meritorious vassals' portraits, and was expressed as damhongsaek-Danryung after King Danjong. The pattern was not expressed on the exterior of the Danryung, and inner-wrinkled Mu was expressed on the side line. The Dapho and Cheolrik, the undergarments of the Danryung, were also confirmed as being blue (the Dapho) and green (the Cheolrik) after the Jeongnan meritorious vassals. The early Sam-Gongsin's Pumgye was expressed by rank belt, but as the system of rank badge was established after King Danjong, it began to express the Pumgye by rank badge and rank belt. Among the portraits of meritorious vassals, the rank badge was expressed only in the portrait of Sin Suk-ju, a Jeongnan meritorious vassal. As Hwaja worn on the Danryung, Heuk-hwa were confirmed in the Sam-Gongsin portraits of the early Joseon Dynasty. However, in the portraits of Jeongnan and Jwali meritorious vassals after King Danjong, the Baek-hwa was confirmed. In addition, in the seam parts of the Heuk-hwa and Baek-hwa identified in some portraits of meritorious vassals, Hwi decorated with yeongeumsa were identified, and it was found that the Hwaja decorated with Hwi were the Hyeopgeum-hwa worn by the 3rd rank and above.

• Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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• v.37 no.6
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• pp.505-516
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• 2009

The effects of wood species, particle size of wood flours and coupling treatment on the mechanical properties of wood plastic composites (WPC) are investigated in this study. Chemical components of wood flour from 3 different wood species were analyzed by the chemical analysis. Wood flours of 40~60 mesh and 80~100 mesh were manufactured from Larix (Larix kaempferi Lamb.), Quercus (Quercus accutisima Carr.), and Maackia (Maackia amuresis Rupr. et Maxim). The wood flours were reinforced into polypropylene (PP) by melt compounding and injection molding, then tensile, flexural, and impact strength properties were analyzed. The order of alpha-cellulose content in wood is Quercus (43.6%), Maackia (41.3%) and Larix (36.2%). The order of lignin content in wood is Larix (31.6%), Maackia (24.7%), and Quercus accutisima (24.4%). The content of extractives in wood is in the order of Larix (8.5%), Maackia (4.4%), and Quercus accutisima (3.9%). As the content of alpha-cellulose increases and the lignin and extractives decreases, tensile and flexural strengths of the WPC increase. At the same loading level of wood flours, the smaller particle size (80~100 mesh) of wood flours showed highly improved tensile and flexural strengths, compared to the larger one (40~60 mesh). The impact strength of the WPC was not significantly affected by the wood species, but the wood flours of larger particle size showed better impact strengths. The addition of maleated polypropylene (MAPP) provided the highly improved tensile, flexural and impact strengths. Morphological analysis shows improved interfacial bonding with MAPP treatment for the composites.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.154-162
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• 2003

This study was conducted to investigate the effects of tile drain on Physicochemical properties and crop productivity of soils under plastic film house for three years (1999 - 2001). Tiles (${\Phi}100mm$ PVC pipe) were established at 50-60 cm depth with 1 m, 2 m, and 3 m intervals in Gangseo silt loam soil under 2W-type plastic film house. Cropping system was a pumpkin-pumpkin in the first year, a cucumber-spinach-crown daisy-spinach-young radish in the second year, and a green red pepper-tomato-spinach in last year, with conventional fertilization and drip or furrow irrigation by groundwater pumping. Bulk density and soil hardness of plot with tile drain were lower than those of control (plot without tile drain). Soil water content was also lower in tile drain plot than in control regardless of soil depth, and decreased at narrower interval and longer distance from tile in the same plot, thus suggesting that water flow and density of tile drain plot was higher than those of control. Rhizosphere of spinach, a final crop of third year, was expanded more than 2 cm due probably to improvement of soil physical properties caused by tiles establishment. Electrical conductivity (EC) of topsoil decreased from $1.22dS\;m^{-1}$ to $0.82dS\;m^{-1}$ by tile drain system, and the extent of EC decrease was different with season: higher in spring and lower in summer and autumn. The $NO_{3^-}-N$ concentration in topsoil decreased, from $200mg\;kg^{-1}$ to $39mg\;kg^{-1}$. The effect of tile drain on crop yield varied with crops. Average crop productivity obtained in tile drain plot than that of control crop: 18.2% in 2 m interval, 14.2% in 3 m interval, but lower 0.2% in 1 m interval.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.60-77
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• 2021

From 2007 to 2011, four Goryeo Dynasty vessels, namely the Taean treasure ship, Taean Mado Shipwreck No.1, No.2, No.3 were discovered in Taean area, Chungcheongnam-do province. From the shipwrecks, 175 pieces of mokkan (wooden tablet) were excavated. These mokkans are the only case of Goryeo Dynasty and represent the unique usage of mokkan as cargo tags, after the paper replaced the wooden tablets as writing materials. The Taean mokkans provide details, such as the year, recipient, port of origin, types of the cargo, quantity and unit, the name of the responsible person for shipment. Thus, they enable us to speculate about the characteristics of the cargo. Furthermore, through studying the writing style, form, material and manufacturing method, researchers can extract which form and characteristics were favored at that time. The Taean mokkans have no preset style for writing. Therefore, they can be written selectively and freely. And since the mokkan were attached to cargos, mokkans with furrows on upper side were favored, and efficiency and simplification of the manufacturing process were priorities in making mokkans. The Taean mokkans can be compared to those from the Shinan ship and the Quanzhou ship because those are of the same era and use. On the writing styles and information, Chinese mokkans are focused on the cargo owners, while The Taean mokkan includes more detailed information, such as the recipients. In forms, Chinese mokkans have maximum thickness of 1.0 centimeter and have pointed edges in lower parts, while mokkans from Taean do not have fixed thickness or edges. Furthermore, Chinese mokkans and Korean mokkans have different styles from manufacturing methods and material selections. These differences between Chinese and Goryeo mokkan are related to the differences between littoral-transport Goryeo ships and ocean-transport Chinese ships, such as shipping distances, types of cargo, shipping systems, packing methods, and transport operators. At the moment, because there are only small amount of data and materials of Chinese mokkan, comparative studies regarding Goryeo and Chinese mokkan can only be fragmentary. However, this article can be a base from which to expand the scope of Goryeo mokkan studies.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.62-79
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• 2017

The principle of repairing the architectural heritage in China was first presented by Liangsicheng of Society for Research in Chinese Architecture in the 1930s, and it was stated as "Restoration of Historic Condition or Preservation of Existing Condition" in 1961 in the "Provisional Regulations on the Protection and Management of Cultural Relics" after various repair experiences under the social and political background of the 1950s. Restoration of historic condition generally means restoration to original shape, and because architectural heritage was often repaired based on similar principle in Korea and Japan in the early and mid 20th century, it can be said that the restoration of historic condition was a universal and leading principle in this period in Northeast Asia. In China, however, the preservation of existing condition is equally specified along with the restoration of historic condition. When considering the leading trend of the time, it seems to be rather unexpected, which leads to questions about the formation process and meaning. The research on Liangsicheng, which first suggested the principle of repair, is very important, but there is a lack of three-dimensional analysis of his principles compared with active research on international principles in China. In order to understand the process of formation and its meaning of the principle of repair in China, we first need to analyze the principle proposed by Liangsicheng, and it is necessary to comprehensively examine how the principle have changed under the social background surrounding architectural heritage conservation after the founding of the People's Republic of China(PRC). In this paper, we first show that Liangsicheng has proposed a principle of restoration of historic condition with important values in the originality, and at the same time he opened the possibility of preservation of existing condition for the result of value judgment or realistic reason. In addition, we examine the process of equalizing preservation of existing condition with a restoration of historic condition as a realistic principle due to the influence of Soviet architectural heritage conservation system and Chinese economic development oriented policy after the founding of PRC.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.3
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• pp.60-79
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• 2015

The study examined reconstruction and building plan of Buyeo Muryangsa Temple in the 17th century and reviewed its construction process and supporting power since the Imjin War of 1592. In addition, The architectural features and design plan of Geukrakjeon that is the most important position in the reconstruction were examined. The reconstruction process of Muryangsa Temple is as follows. Firstly, the study reviewed the reconstruction order of Muryangsa Temple that was progressed in a short period of time from 1624 to 1636. In doing so, the reconstruction period was adjusted from 1633 to 1624 so that the construction order of Muryangsa Temple might be the reconstruction of Geukrakjeon in 1624, Gwaebul in 1627, Sojosamjonbul in 1636 and Beomjong in 1636. Secondly, as the reconstruction of Muryangsa Temple was progressed in a short period of time of 13 years, it was assumed there was great supporting power. In particular, it was found that Jinmukdaesa who lead the construction of Wanju Songgwangsa Temple had an impact on the construction of Muryangsa Temple.It was conjectured that Shin family of the royal family as the supporting power of Songgwangsa through the support of Jinmukdaesa had an impact on Muryangsa Temple. Thirdly, the study reviewed architectural features of Geukrakjeon which has the most important meaning of the reconstruction of Muryangsa Temple. By comparing other reconstructed temples, the architectural style of Muryangsa Temple was examined. In particular, features of Gongpo and furniture were reviewed. In doing so, Muryangsa Temple, the study proposed a possibility that Geukrakjeon would be constructed by an artisan in the same genealogy of Wanju Hwasamsa Temple Geukrakjeon. Finally, the design plan of the building was reviewed with Yongcheok of 309mm used for the construction of Geukrakjeon. Geukrakjeon had perfect proportion compared with other reconstructed temple in the late Joseon period, and golden ratio of 1:1.41 was applied in many areas of building. the study also proposed that the stable design of Geukrakjeon was carried out by the building plan of overall Garam at the time of reconstruction of Muryangsa Temple in the late Joseon period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.48-65
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• 2018

The authors of this paper aim to make a record of the construction process, its symbolic meaning, and the changes in the status of the landscape plants at the Pasanseodang according to the Report on the Pasanseodang written by Park Gyu-hyun in 1874. First, the construction of Samgahun Pavilion, which is located in Myo-ri, Habin-myun, Dalsung-gun, Daegu, took about 90 years and spanned the lifetimes of Park Sungsoo, an 11th-generation descendant of Park Paengnyun (1417~1456) through to Park Kyuhyun, a 14th-generation descendant. It was called the shape of dragon, with its head facing the tail (回龍顧尾形), in feng shui. Second, the village of Pahwoe was founded in 1769, the 45th year of the reign of King Yeongjo, by Park Sungsoo for the purpose of socializing with his friends at his thatched home, and was named after his own courtesy name (Samgahun). Park Kwangseok, the second son of Park Sungsoo, built the sarangchae in 1826 and the anchae in 1869 after his marriage (in 1783). Then, Park Kyuhyun, the grandson of Park Kwangseok, built the pond and planted it with lotus flowers, and built the Hayeopjeong in 1874. The Pasanseodang, as the precursor of the Hayeopjeong, may be related with the name of the hillside region behind Samgahun. Third, a quadrangular-shaped pond with a length of 21m and a width of 15m was also built and planted with lotus flowers. In the center of the pond is a small round island that reflects the world view of the Chosun dynasty, i.e. that the sky is round and the landmass is quadrangular. Meanwhile, the name of the Hayeopjeon reflects the value system of aristocrats who lived a life of leisure and artistic indulgence. They called the eastern room "Yeeyeonhun" (怡燕軒) and the western room "Mongyangjae" (蒙養齋), names which embody their wishes for a good life as a member of the nobility and a bright future for one's descendants. Fourth, in Confucian terms, the authors infer the points of view reflected in the kinds of trees that were planted according to Confucian norms (pine tree, lotus, bamboo), the living philosophy of sustainability (willow), the ideology of seclusion and the search for peace of mind (bamboo), and relief efforts for the poor and a life of practicality (chestnut, oak, wild walnut, lacquer). The authors assert that this way of planting trees was a highly effective design feature of landscape architecture that drew on the locational and symbolic significance of the Seodang. Fifth, the majority of the trees that were initially planted withered and were replaced with different species, except for the locust and lotus, at this point. Nevertheless, a review of the process of construction, symbolic meaning, and original architectural landscape of the Samgahun is of value in demonstrating the extended symbolic meaning of their descendants in terms of the practical loss of the function of the Seodang, the values of Feng Sui (red in the east, white in the west, based on the principles of Feng Sui), the function of repelling evils spirits (kalopanax, trifoliate orange), aesthetic and practical values (sweetbrier, apricot, pear, peach, and oriental oak trees), and the prosperity of the family and the timeless value of honest poverty (silk, crape myrtle, and yew trees).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.16-31
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• 2013

This study addresses how the main group of community ritual changed as the regional community changed during the period of Japan's colonial rule of Korea with emphasis on Gwanseongmyo in Jangchung-dong, Seoul. First, almost every regional community was changed because of city planning which was carried out by Japan in Korea for colonial exploitation and for the use of military bases. Mapo-dong and Seobinggo-dong were the appropriate examples. The city planning projects by the Japanese colonial government selected Jangchung-dong as the place of settlement of many Japanese people. The stream, Cheonggyecheon, made a border between the Korean and Japanese settlements and the traditional system of regional community in Jangchung-dong was changed and reorganized considerably. Second, the Japanese government used the rituals of regional community purposefully to combine them with the ceremony in the Japanese shrine. Those who supported Japan performed the regional rituals and tried to follow the policy of 'Rule of Culture' required by the Japanese colonial government. However, most regional rituals continued as they were before Japan's colonial rule of Korea without any change. Under this new trend the ritual of Gwanseongmyo was changed from the ritual for worshipping Guan Yu to that of the regional community. Last, the main groups that led the rituals of regional community were diversified during the period of Japan's colonial rule of Korea. In other words, the rituals of community used to be led by the families that lived in the region for generations before Japan's colonial rule of Korea. However, they were later led by various groups that emerged as a result of the colonial rule, urbanization, commercial development, regional differentiation, and so on. As an example,Yeongsinsa of Gwanseongmyo,which was the main group to lead the ritual of Gwanseongmyo, shows that the regional community rituals were extended to worshipping Guan Yu. The members of the main group to lead the ritual were pro-Japanese senior officials who were formerly military officers. This shows that the main groups leading the regional community rituals were further diversified.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.1
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• pp.4-23
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• 2015

In the Buddhist paintings of the four devas, there is a change in the paper material of V aisravana(多聞天) in the early Joseon Dynasty. Until Goryeo Dynasty, Damuncheonwang, who holds a tower(塔) on the right side of Buddha was changed to the form which holds a mandolin(琵琶) in the early Joseon Dynasty. This change was first checked in Byeonsangdo in the Yuan period "The Avatamska Sutra(大方廣佛華嚴經, 1330~1336)", however the actual paper material change in the Buddhist painting is found first as a mural at the Tibetan temples, Cheolbangsa(哲蚌寺), Odunsa(吳屯寺), Baekgeosa(白居寺), which showed the change of tower which Vaisravaṇa held into mongoose. In Joseon Dynasty, also, new distribution of the four devas appeared first, which showed the change of paper material in the first floor roof-stones of Wongaksaji sipcheung seoktap, . However, the position of the four devas which held a tower and a mandolin consistently appear in the Buddhist paintings in the early Joseon Dynasty by mixing on the left and the right. This means the possibility that the paper material and the position of the four devas might be flexible in the early Joseon Dynasty. Just like reflecting this, painting image of the four devas in illustration of "saddharma-pundari-ka-$s{\bar{u}}tra$(Ming 1432, National Museum of Korea)" and illustration of "Jebulsejonyeorae-bosaljonjamyeongching-gagok(제불세존여래 보살존자명칭가곡, 1417)" has opposite position from each other. Therefore, the phenomenon in the Buddhist paintings of the early Joseon had a transitional characteristic which did not secure the fixed form of painting image by illustration of two copies where paper materials of the four devas were different, which characteristic can be said to be the characteristic of art in the transitional period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.168-191
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• 2021

This article examines the shape, iconography, and creation date of the Four Buddhist Heavenly Kings (Sacheonwang 四天王) enshrined in the Heavenly Kings' Gate (Cheonwangmun 天王門) of Hoeamsa in Yangju, Gyeonggi Province during the early Joseon Dynasty. First, small fragments of clay decoration excavated from a fourth-platform gate site of the Hoeamsa Temple Site in Yangju Gyeonggi Province were analyzed and compared to other Four Heavenly Kings enshrined in the (Cheonwangmun gates) during the Joseon Dynasty. In addition, the size and shape of the gate were compared to other Cheonwangmun gates constructed during the Joseon Dynasty. Results revealed that the excavated fragments were part of the armor of Sacheonwang, and the clay-standing statues enshrined in the fourth-platform gate of Hoeamsa Temple would be proportional in size to those of Beopjusa Temple in Boeum, South Chungcheong Province. The flame-type pieces, which decorated the Heavenly King's crown in the Joseon Dynasty, and the rectangular-type pieces were not found in artifacts from the Goryeo Dynasty. Therefore, the Sacheonwang sculptures of the Hoeamsa Temple were likely made in the late 15th century in the early Joseon Dynasty. A detailed iconography of the Sacheonwang of Hoeamsa is presumedly based on the Buddhist paintings and illustrations of Buddhist scriptures (Gyeongbyeonsangdo 經變相圖)from the late Goryeo and early Joseon. During the late Goryeo Dynasty and early Joseon Dynasty, Traditional iconography from Goryeo and new iconography from Ming coexisted. However, in the late 15th century, the Sacheonwang statues of the early Joseon Dynasty had many different elements from those of the Goryeo Dynasty and were similar to those enshrined in Cheonwangmun Gate during the Joseon Dynasty. The Four Heavenly Kings of Hoeamsa Temple, believed to have been produced in the late 15th century, has historical significance in the following points. They were the first Joseon Sacheonwang statues example enshrined in the Cheonwangmun gate. In addition, they were established as a new tradition that influenced the iconography of the Four Heavenly Kings during the Joseon Dynasty.