• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.215-229
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• 2020

Purpose: This study examines the attitude of South Korean adults toward food aid to North Korea and factors associated with it. Methods: An online survey involving 1,000 adults aged 19-69 years was conducted between September-October 2019. Throughout South Korea, the subjects were proportionally distributed with respect to gender, age, and region, to represent South Korean adults. Results: A total of 44.6% of the respondents agreed (Agreement group), 36.7% disagreed (Disagreement group), and 18.7% neither agreed nor disagreed to food aid to North Korea. Compared to the Disagreement group, the Agreement group had a higher concern of food aid to North Korea and a more positive perception on the effect of it. The Agreement group selected "direct assistance from the government" whereas the Disagreement group chose "support through international organizations" as the most appropriate channel for food aid to North Korea. Logistic regression analysis revealed that South Korean adults showing a more positive perception on the effect of food aid to North Korea were more likely to agree to the aid (odds ratio [OR], 19.32). Moreover, compared to the conservatives, the progressives were more likely to agree to food aid to North Korea (OR, 5.94). South Korean adults in their 40-50s were more likely to agree to food aid to North Korea than those in their 20-30s (OR, 2.81). South Korean adults with a higher concern of food aid to North Korea (OR, 3.93) and a greater positive perception on Korean unification (OR, 1.88) were more likely to agree to food aid to North Korea. Conclusion: The most important factor associated with the attitude of South Korean adults toward food aid to North Korea was their perception on the subsequent effect. As strategies to draw social consensus on food aid to North Korea, we recommend systematizing the monitoring process on the effect of providing food aid to North Korea and informing the public of the outcomes.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.113-136
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to start from the recognition of the problem of why the sanctions of the international community could not indicate a great effect. In order to find answers to this question, this study focuses on China's aid to North Korea and analyzes the determinants of support for North Korea. Despite a tough international community's sanctions against North Korea, China has taken a dual stance on sanctions and support for North Korea. As for this dual attitude of China, this study approaches the internal and external situation of the support to the North with the rationale for the Two-level game theory. China's sanction against North Korea could be divided into two categories: external factors and domestic factors. These factors include strengthening supremacy in China, checking the US, playing a responsible role in China, securing resources in North Korea, sustaining stable growth in China, maintaining the legitimacy of China's socialist political system, and spreading the Beijing consensus. Based on the analysis of these factors, it could be expected that China's aid for North Korea will be official, informal, or continuous, and it will be difficult for the North to stop supporting North Korea or deteriorating North Korea- China relations.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.22 no.1_2
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• pp.285-362
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• 2000

남북 정상회담 이후 남북경협 활성화에 대한 기대가 높아지면서 기업의 대북진출에 대한 관심도 크게 증가하고 있다. 우리 기업들이 대북투자에 대하여 커다란 관심을 가지는 이유로는 시장선점, 북한의 낮은 임금 이용, 국내의 유휴설비 이용 등 여러 가지가 있으나 그중 가장 직접적인 요인은 북한의 낮은 임금을 이용하고자 하는 것이라 할 수 있다. 그러나 대북투자의 주요 목적이 북한의 저임 노동력의 활용에 있음에도 불구하고 북한의 임금수준이 얼마나 낮은 것이며, 노동력의 수준은 어떠한지, 또한 이런 상황에서 대북진출시 북한 노동력을 어떻게 활용해야 할 것인지에 대해서는 충분한 검토가 이루어져 있지 않다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 북한 노동력의 임금 및 질적 수준을 분석하고 구체적인 사례에 대하여 살펴본 후 대북진출시 노동력 활용방안에 대하여 검토한다. 우선 북한의 임금수준은 이론적 측면, 동남아 국가 등 경재국과의 비교, 기업의 견해 등을 통해서 살펴볼 때 저렴한 것으로 보기는 어렵다. 질적 수준의 경우에도 일반적으로는 북한 노동력은 우수한 것이라고 인식되고 있으나, 교육수준, 작업규율, 노동생산성 등의 측면에서 분석한 결과 우수한 것으로 판단하기는 곤란하다. 실제 사례에 있어서도 많은 문제를 보이고 있는바, 북한 정책의 문제점, 계약 및 규정에 문제점, 기능 및 교육훈련의 문제점, 근로관습 및 의식의 문제점 등으로 나누어 볼 수 있다. 이러한 상황에서 대북진출은 기대한 만큼의 수익을 거두기가 힘들 것으로 예상된다. 그러나 현재 여건이 어렵다고 무작정 대북진출을 지연할 수도 없고, 기업의 입장에서는 선점 등의 목적으로 현 단계에서 투자를 실행하려고 할 수도 있을 것이다. 또한 일부 분야의 경우에는 이익의 창출이 가능한 사업도 있을 것이다. 본 연구에서는 대북진출에 대비해서 효율적인 북한 노동력 활용방안을 질적 수준 향상방안과 임금관리 방안으로 나누어 살펴보고 있다.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.69-79
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• 2017

This study focuses on the fact that the past government has been consistent with the one-sided withdrawal policy without any clear countermeasures in relation to the ongoing nuclear development of the DPRK. The purpose of this study is to improve the understanding of South Korea's North Korea policy and to present the direction of the North Korea policy in the future by comparing and researching the North Korea policy pursued by Lee Myung - bak government / Park-Geun-Hye government. Such an attempt will provide a basis for evaluating the previous government's policies toward North Korea, and will also help to find alternatives to sustainable inter-Korean relations and North Korea policy to achieve a unified Korea.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.30
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• pp.87-112
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• 2013

The effort to make the peaceful mood between South and North Korea that had started from so-called 'Sunshine Policy' of the People's Government since 1998, lasted until Rho Mu-hyun government. On the other hand, Lee Myung-bak government changed the policy toward North Korea to more practical and principle-oriented one than the previous two governments. By the shift of the policies, the industry of animation of South and North Korea has been influenced so much. The purpose of his study is to point out the crisis of the status of the animation industry of the Korean Peninsula through the change of the policies, and to propose one method of the new paradigm to the next government in order to build a turning point of South and North Korea animation exchange. First, the paradigms toward North Korea through the past governments are compared. Second, the result and situation of animation industry of South and North Korea are analyzed. Finally, by examining deducted problems, the forward policy toward North Korea and, by extension, the improvement direction and practical tasks of South and North Korea animation exchange policy are considered.

• Environmental and Resource Economics Review
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.313-336
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• 2007

The paper is concerned with, firstly, estimating the North Korean input-output table in which energy sectors like electricity and petro products are specified and, secondly, computing the effect of an investment in the energy sector on North Korean economy, by using the estimated input-output table and applying CGE analysis. The 4,000 million dollar investment on North Korean electricity industry produces 368 million dollar worth of output and 156 million dollar worth of value added. The 150 million dollar investment on petro industry creates about 20.5 million dollar worth of output and 9.65 million dollar worth of value added in North Korea.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.438-457
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• 2019

The main purpose of this paper is to identify the entry types and locational determinants of North Korean workers in cross-border regions between North Korea and China. More specifically, the paper has attempted to divide the entry type of them in the regions into two; 1) entry via transactions between Chinese traders with North Korea and North Korea trade companies, and 2) entry via transactions between Korean-Chinese middlemen and North Korean trade companies. Also, it has analyzed main factors of their locational determinants in the spatial contexts of the regions. There have been changes in two perspectives in terms of the entry paths and types of them in accordance with the transformation of characteristics of United Nations sanction against North Korea from 'call-upon' to 'decide' after UN Security Council Resolution 2094 in 2013. Firstly, main agents who have dealing with North Korean trade companies which have right to dispatch North Korean workers have been changed from Chinese traders into Korean-Chinese brokers who are specialized in the introduction of North Korean workers with one-stop service from visa administrative to labor managements. Secondly, there has been a transfer of North Korean workers in the regions from formal to informal workers who has been admitted into China with a short stay or a tourist visa, and then remained illegally to be employed in China. Therefore, as demands on service which is able to guarantee the security of North Korean informal workers and their managements have increased, Korean-Chinese brokers have been stimulated in the regions after the operation of real international sanctions against overseas North Korean workers. In addition, the main factors of their locational determinants in cross-border regions between North Korea and China are could be analyzed in three perspectives; 1) an increase in real wages in accordance with the reform of the Chinese social insurance system after 2011, 2) the structural vulnerability of labor markets in the regions, 3) the utilization of stable and manageable workers.

• 농업기술회보
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• v.51 no.5
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• pp.6-7
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• 2014

지난 6월 17일 농업기술진흥관에서 (사)통일농수산정책연구원 창립 10주년 기념 '통일준비를 위한 농림수산부문 대북정책 수립전략'을 주제로 심포지엄이 진행되었습니다. 그 내용을 지난 호에 이어 요약 게재한다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.31-66
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to analyze the institutional factors and the political environment in which the influence of the president is limited in South Korea's decision making process of the policy toward North Korea. Although the president has the highest decision-making power over policy toward North Korea as a head of state, the president's influence is not always absolute. Many reasons, such as bureaucratic government through the separation of power, the political environment such as divided government or the remaining term of the president,and the specificity of policy act as factors limiting the president's influence on policy toward North Korea. This study analyzed the dynamics of the decision making process of the 'Special Zone for Peace and Cooperation in the West Sea' which was planned by the agreement between the two Koreas in 2007, and examined the influence of the president, limited by the institutional environment and political conditions in the process.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.5
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• pp.263-268
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• 2023

This study examined the trend of research, focusing on academic papers related to psychological warfare against North Korea studied from 2000 to 2023. As a result of examining the current status by year, field, and research method, we could feel the lack of papers related to psychological warfare against North Korea, and the lack of research was also small only during the period when inter-Korean relations were strained. In addition, the research field is also limited to policy proposals and psychological warfare media, confirming the need to expand to more diverse fields considering the changing psychological warfare environment. In terms of the last research method, most of them were literature studies, so the need for quantitative research using interviews, surveys, and big data was also found. It is hoped that the analysis results of this paper will play a positive role in setting the direction of future research on the psychological warfare against North Korea, which is still underway.