• The Safety technology
• /
• no.45
• /
• pp.39-42
• /
• 2001

최근 국제노동기구(ILO)에서 안전보건경영시스템(OSH-MS : Occupational Safety and Health management System)을 발표 함으로써 향후 안전보건경영체제 국제규격 ISO 18001(가칭)이 제정될 경우에 대해 많은 관심을 같고 있어, OHSAS 18001에 대한 사항과 OHSAS 18001 인증심사 절차 등에 대해 소개한다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.83
• /
• pp.157-185
• /
• 2017

The present study examines the dialectic tensions arising within the ICT-mediated labor culture between the dominant power of conglomerates and the precarious labor subjects in the labor practices, as smartphones and tablet PCs have grown in popularity. The present study explores how much young precarious workers named 'Cheongyeon Alba' (young precariat in S Korea) suffers from continually precarious job positions as temporary staff or contract workers, being trapped at the bottom of the pay scale, and also being electronically connected to the workplace in a seamless way. Concretely, this study investigates how the mobile phone becomes deeply entangled with the 'precarious' labor culture in the metropolitan city of Seoul. The mobile precariat has been in a disadvantaged position, in terms not only of the moral issue of exploitation in business but also of social injustice. Labor exploitation of young workers has been reinforced by the mobile labor culture, in which they are remotely monitored by live surveillance mobile apps, and mobile instant messaging from a boss can intrude incessantly into their private life. This study depicts the extension of the business's surveillant power by mobilizing the mobile phone in the working practices.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
• /
• v.14 no.2
• /
• pp.192-210
• /
• 2011

This paper attempts to analyze the Park regime's labor control strategy. Specifically, the research questions are twofold: (i) what strategy was it the Park regime adopted? and (ii) why did the Park regime adopt it? According to the analysis, the Park regime chose a mixed strategy based on state corporatism in the 1960s, while adopting a market mechanism strategy in the 1970s. The former tried to control unions by a state-created worker organization with the market, and the latter attempted to weaken unions as bargaining agent to a maximum extent by using market mechanism. The basic reason why the Park regime changed its labor control strategy was complex, (i) appearance of the unstable political ad economic signals and (ii) the ineffectiveness of the labor control strategy in the 1960s.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.58 no.2
• /
• pp.223-249
• /
• 2006

The purpose of this paper is to classify OECD countries in regard to levels of supporting fathers' care work. Several meaningful conclusions were reached. First, examining the level of supporting fathers' care work and the strength of the traditional bread-winner model, OECD countries can be classified into 5 different clusters. The result is different from the mainstream typology of welfare states and suggests the new typology of welfare states. Second, the level of supporting fathers' care work and the strength of the traditional bread-winner model were found to be related to total fertility rates and women's labor market participation rates. Third, in regard to the level of supporting fathers' care work, Korea was the lowest among OECD countries. This result points to one of the important reasons to the low level of total fertility rat, and low rate of women's labor market participation in Korea.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
• /
• v.7 no.1
• /
• pp.336-342
• /
• 2021

Japanese imperialism initiated the Sino-Japanese War in 1937 and promulgated the Total National Mobilization Act in 1938, establishing a wartime total mobilization system. In the beginning of the wartime general mobilization system, Japanese colonialism focused on women's labor force and mobilized women both domestically and abroad. Women were forcibly mobilized to the Labor Patriotism Unit and Jeongshindae(Korean Women Labor Corps). Women had to take the place of home work as well as the work of men who had already been mobilized, and at the same time faced a poor situation of being forced to mobilize for war. The mobilization of Jeongshindae took place in various forms, such as recruitment, voluntary support by government offices, propaganda through schools or groups, job fraud, coercion or threats. Jeongshindae which was a representative victim of the forced mobilization of women during the Japanese colonial period, was individually litigated and remains an unresolved problem. In order to uncover the reality of the forced mobilization of women during the wartime general mobilization system, continuous research and social education through related organizations are required.

• 사회경제평론
• /
• v.31 no.3
• /
• pp.203-237
• /
• 2018

This paper critically studies Meidner's wage-earner funds project. On the basis of this, this paper intends to create new prospects for a universal welfare regime. From the perspective of the welfare system, the funds project is a correction or supplement of the Swedish welfare system of the Swedish model centered on 'redistribution'. However, the funds project shares the ideology of Swedish model and its fundamental premise, I.e. guild socialism and labor-centrism. This paper discusses the limitations of the funds project resulting from this, especially with regard to its three purposes: equalization of property distribution, economic democracy and the correction of excess profit. It then highlights that the alternative to overcome the limitations of the funds project and the Swedish universal welfare system should be based on a new ideology and fundamental premise that is cut off from guild socialism and labor centrism. As an alternative fulfilling this, this paper focuses on theories that suggest that the Common Wealth Fund should be created and basic income should be implemented in the form of dividends as its dividend. As a result, Commons Capital Stock and the basic income as its dividend are presented as alternative prospects for the funds project.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
• /
• v.45 no.3
• /
• pp.151-178
• /
• 2014

Highly Differentiated and segmented social insurance scheme in Taiwan shows its salient dimension of stratification, which has been considered as a general feature of conservative welfare regime. However, compared to Western conservative welfare states, Taiwan's social insurance scheme shows a distinct feature. First, Taiwan's social insurance scheme has offered a full coverage for various benefits. Secondly, Labor Insurance and Government employees' Insurance reveal distinct features of stratification. Labor Insurance has developed a universalistic system based on status equality and cross-class solidarity of working classes while Government employees' Insurance includes a myriad of occupational- and status-based programs. This article aims to articulate the historical origin of Taiwan's unique social insurance scheme and explains it as an unintended result of state's political intervention and various interests of each insured groups, especially, politically, economically, and ethnically conflicting identities of government employees and working classes.

• 한국사회정책
• /
• v.24 no.2
• /
• pp.181-215
• /
• 2017

The study found that the origins of modern Korean welfare regime are closely related to the political and economic order of the U.S. military rule between 1945 and 1948. The creation of developmental state in 1960s and 1970s can not be imagined from the standpoint of the U.S. military rule. The U.S. military government dismantled the labor movement and the farmers' movement, and dealt a devastating blow to leftist political forces. Through this process, the U.S. military government turned the political landscape of the Republic of Korea, which was dominated by left-wing political forces in August 1945, completely transformed into the political landscape dominated by right-wing political forces. Moreover, it would not have been possible without the physical force of the US military government to transplant American capitalism instead of the social (democratic) state that the majority of the Korean people wanted. Through farmland reform, the traditional landowning classes were broken down, the revolutionary farmers turned into conservative peasants, and the distribution of factories owned by the Japanese led to the birth of a new capitalist class that was subordinated to the state. From the viewpoint of the welfare regime, the most significant meaning of the US military government is that it laid the foundations for the developmental state in the 1960s and 1970s in Korea.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society for Agricultural Machinery Conference
• /
• 2002.07a
• /
• pp.3-8
• /
• 2002

쌀은 전 세계에서 매년 약 4억 톤이 생산되어 세계인구의 약 45%에게 주식으로 제공되고 있다. 우리나라에서는 쌀 농사가 농업소득의 약 44%를 차지하는 농가의 주 소득원으로 경제적 비중이 크다. 또한 WTO 개방경제 체제에서는 쌀 생산농가가 생존하기 위해서는 생산비 절감을 통한 가격경쟁력 제고와 품질향상을 통한 소비자 선호도 확보가 가장 중요한 과제이다. 지금까지 우리나라의 벼농사는 생산비 절감이나 품질향상보다는 수량증대에 치중하여 쌀 산업의 국제경쟁력은 매우 취약한 실정이다. 손 모내기에서 중묘 기계이앙 기계기술이 확립되어 확대보급 되었고 이보다 육묘비용 및 노력을 절감할 수 있는 어린 모 재배 기술이 보급되기 시작하였으나, 미국 등 선진국의 벼농사 노동 투하시간 3.5시간/㏊에 비하여 우리나라는 328시간/㏊ 쌀 생산비는 미국의 2,018천원/㏊에 비하여 우리나라는 5,105/천원㏊로 월등히 높아 노동 투하시간을 획기적으로 줄일 수 있는 기계기술 개발이 요구되고 있다. (중략)

• Journal of the Korean Society of Marine Environment & Safety
• /
• v.28 no.7
• /
• pp.1191-1200
• /
• 2022

The COVID-19 pandemic can be deemed one of the greatest hardships faced by mankind in the 21st century. All industries have been severely affected and workers are still experiencing deep difficulties due to the changed working and living environment. Seafarers have been recognized by the international community as key workers since the pandemic began. They are also working internationally to establish a Level Playing Field through the protection of their rights through the Seafarers' Employment Agreement and the implementation of international labour standards. However, despite the obligations under international conventions to be implemented by State parties and the recommendations by international organizations, the rights of seafarers under the Maritime Labour Convention were violated were violated and their occupational safety and health of seafarers were further threatened throughout the pandemic. This article analyzes the impact of the international shipping industry and the implementation of the Maritime Labour Convention based on each country's measures during the COVID-19 pandemic. Furthermore, the amendments of the Maritime Labour Convention adopted through the fourth Special Tripartite Committee were analyzed based on the conference documents and reports to comprehend the implied meaning. The adopted eight amendments to the Maritime Labour Convention are expected to positively affect the seafarers' rights, safety and health in the future, but the international community's efforts should continue because the issues of maximum working hours, maximum service period on board, and the repatriation of seafarers still remain unsettled.