• Title/Summary/Keyword: 내셔널리즘

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Cold War Liberalism in Postwar Japan: An Interpretation of Maruyama Masao's Realistic Liberalism (냉전과 일본의 자유주의- 마루야마 마사오의 냉전자유주의와 리얼리즘)

  • Jang, In-Seong
    • 동북아역사논총
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    • no.59
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    • pp.150-186
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    • 2018
  • This paper explains what Japanese progressive liberalism was in postwar Japan by clarifying Maruyama Masao's "Cold War Liberalism," focusing especially on his realism and nationalism searching for "democracy" and "peace" in the context of the early Cold War Japan. Maruyama's Cold War liberalism can be grasped from two perspectives: how the Cold War defined his liberalism and how Maruyama interpreted the Cold War as a liberalist in postwar Japan. The liberal interpretation of the Cold War captures the spatial manifestations of liberalism in the Cold War while Cold War liberalism was to grasp the temporal succession of modern Japan. Maruyama revealed his liberal thinking by combining it to his idea of nationalism and realism. He was concerned about the reshaping of the fascist atmosphere provoked by anti-communism emerging from 186 | 동북아역사논총 59호the Cold War confrontation structure. He sought "neutrality" and "peace" to overcome the so-called "two worlds" of the Cold War. And he stressed the importance of "fair judgment" and "autonomous association" to restrain the fascistic atmosphere in postwar Japan. For Maruyama, subjectivity aimed at the concept of "nation" rather than "citizen," and nationalism was a condition for "democracy" and "peace" in postwar Japan. Maruyama's critical liberalism worked through nationalism and realism.

Cinematic Imagination and Representation of State/Nation -Focusing on and (국가/민족에 대한 영화적 상상력과 재현 - <실미도>와 <한반도>를 중심으로)

  • Hwang, Hye-Jin
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.6 no.11
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    • pp.56-64
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    • 2006
  • It seems that there has been a tendency of faction film which reveals imagination of state/nation. As typical examples, & would show the relationship between some factional imagination and the project of blockbuster. In this regard, I've researched the tradition of cinematic representation of state/nation and some historical aspects which reveal the being of official films ruled by oppressive political intention. As a kind of discourse dealing with state/nation, & have specific strategy of representation. The analysis about that process might enable us to understand what is nationalism and what is the nature of ideological discourse consumed by faction-related products.

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건축 디자이너 김종호-가장 트렌디하면서도 지역적인!

  • Jeong, Myeong-Hyo
    • 주택과사람들
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    • s.206
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    • pp.86-87
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    • 2007
  • 건축 디자이너 김종호는 단언했다. "나는 인터내셔널리즘을 반대합니다."지역적인 코드 없이 전 세계 도시가 같아지지 않았으면 좋겠다는 것이다. 베이징과 서울과 뉴욕은 엄연히 달라야 하지 않겠나. 유러피안 클래식 무드가 뒤엎은 정체불명의 하우징을 마주하면 그도 디자이너가 누구인지 궁금해진다고 했다. 그 웃음 안엔 날카로움이 서려 있다.

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Fascism Expressed in Military Looks: Since the 1990s (밀리터리 룩에 표현된 파시즘 - 1990년대 이후부터 -)

  • 임상임;추미경
    • The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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    • v.12 no.5
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    • pp.845-858
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    • 2004
  • The purpose of this study is to identify the association of military looks with fascist aesthetics and to infer various aesthetic values of fascism expressed in military looks. The research method is documentary studies through the literature and academic papers, and examined masters' and doctors' theses, domestic and overseas books and fashion magazines, photographs and materials collected from the Internet. The facism expressed in military looks is as follows: First, nationalism, reflecting the current ideology of rebellion, appeals to the original national sentiment of the masses. Second, temptation implies that fascism tempts the mass using the nature of charisma rather than by force and, by doing so, accumulates mighty power without military force. Third, mythology is utilizing images and symbols of great appeal to people for absolute power beyond the concept of time. In order to express power for the effusion of emotional energy through the vision for realities and the magical power of images. Fourth, barbarism is always harbored in the conflict and confrontation of interests among ideas, economies, religions and classes on the other side of contemporary civilized society.

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The two aspects of a nationalistic art in Greece, 1950 -1960 (그리스 내셔널리즘 미술의 두 얼굴, 1950~1960)

  • Papanikolaou, Miltiades M.
    • The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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    • no.4
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    • pp.203-239
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    • 2006
  • As it is known, during the Second World War Greece has fought on the side of the allies and the end of the war found the country on the winners' side. However, the struggle for authority right after 1945 was merciless and extremely difficult, as well as dangerous for the course of the country to the future. The political powers were divided between the legal authorities that were represented by the king and formed the exiled government on the one hand and the part of the resistance teams and the rebels of the left that had a soviet friendly direction on the other. Thus, the start of a civil war was just a matter of time. It fin ally started in 1947 and lasted for more than two years. The consequences were disastrous for the country's economy and decisive for the future course of Greece. The national army prevailed with the help of, mostly, the English. Royal parliamentary democracy was established with a clear political turn to the west, as a completion and adaptation of the Agreement of the Great Powers at Yalta. Art had a 'similar' route. Dipolar, contradictory: conservative choices on the one side, and a will for pioneering inspiration and perspective on the other side. The 'dominate' trend was first evident in sculpture and mainly in the public monuments. Their construction aimed mostly at the public propaganda and at the promotion of the sovereign ideology. On the one side we have the public sculptures composed of faces of contemporary heroes or leading figures of the civic war and the national resistance. On the other side we have monumental statues mainly that appeal to a 'public' outside of the country's borders and mostly of the north borders, where there are countries with a communistic regime, like Bulgaria, Serbia and Albania. Their subject is derived from the heroic events of the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and ancient historical figures like Alexander the Great as the Greek army leader, his father, Philippos II and Aristotle, who was of a north-Greek origin. The political message is twofold: on the one side the 'inner enemy' the communists that were defeated and the promotion of the new liberal social system and on the other side the north neighbours, which not only represent the East Block, but they also conspire the history and the culture of the Greeks. This is the way how the 'Cold War' was resulted in a full and totalitarian expression in art.

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The Tasks of Comparative Literary Studies and The Literary Transnationalism (비교문학의 과제와 문학적 트랜스내셔널리즘)

  • Lee, Changnam
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.38
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    • pp.245-264
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    • 2015
  • In this paper, I suggest methodological ways of studying comparative literature regarding ongoing discussions of world and national literature. The role of comparative literature studies has widened in the contemporary era, in which nations have become rapidly entangled and the concept of the world as a unified entity is under question. In this regard, I critically review the traditional principles of the hospitality of cosmopolitanism and the exclusivity of the borders of national literatures. Further, I suggest that scholars adopt the concept by Sigmund Freud of "unfamiliar familiarity" as a methodological motive for studies of comparative literature. Based on this concept, scholars can further develop the unique methods of the discipline of comparative literary studies for teaching and research amidst the ongoing phenomenon of globalization. They can also use these methods to simultaneously contribute to solving the problem of "comparison without a unifying category of the world," as revealed by the results of deconstructional and postcolonial studies. Regarding community-based discussions of literature, I introduce the "bridge and door" metaphor, put forth by Georg Simmel, as a key concept in methodological consideration of translation and in comparative literary studies. In this paper, adopting the metaphor of the bridge and door as an intertextual and social model for comparative studies, I define the new role of comparative literary studies in literary transnationalism, which is particularly necessary when different languages and cultures overlap and become entangled. Regarding the rapidly changing contemporary world community, comparative literary studies, as an experimental discipline, is uniquely capable of examining this kind of community, which forms itself beyond and beneath individual nations.

Media nationalism and Hate Korea wave in Japan: 2ch and the Four daily newspapers in Japan (일본의 혐한류와 미디어내셔널리즘: 2ch와 일본 4대 일간지를 중심으로)

  • Park, Soo-Ok
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.47
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    • pp.120-147
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    • 2009
  • The purpose of this paper is to promote bilateral friendly relations, the elements that hinder Hate Korea wave's(Kenkanryu) status and an analyzation of the characteristics of its causes and solutions for it. The Hate Korea wave is to be discussed in the fountain Hate Korea wave 2ch(2channel, ni channeru) acquaintances of information and representation to analyze the causes of this Japanese anti-Korean thinking. All of society should be aware of the differences and see what we have in common. I researched discussions of 2ch information and the content of other similar media. The expression was very violent. However, there was both general awareness of a gap between criticism and support. The gap was about what is not unusual on the Internet and not to be greatly concerned about. I also compares anti-Korean's awareness to Korea with general Japanese's, and finds that there are gap between them. For example by analyzing general Japanese's awareness we can find 18% of people who criticize the Hate Korea wave or have positive image of Korea. futhermore the proportion of anti-Korean contents in internet is not very high, so we don't have to worrying about the phenomenon seriously. but because of the following three points, there are sufficient needs to concern about the phenomenon constantly. First, sources of Hate Korea wave are traditional media. Second, the consumers of Hate Korea wave are mainly young generation who will make future relation of two countries. And last, Hate Korea wave include potential power to explode when certain conditions are met.

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Fernand Khnopff's Belgian Symbolism and Nationalism in I Lock My Door upon Myself (페르낭 크노프(Fernand Khnopff)의 작품에 나타난 벨기에 상징주의와 내셔널리즘)

  • Chung, Y.-Shim
    • The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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    • no.9
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    • pp.171-193
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    • 2010
  • This paper examines Fernand Khnopff's Symbolism, focusing on the I Lock My Door upon Myself as a manifesto of his artistic credo in style and theme. Its title was originally in English, originating from the poem "Who Shall Deliver Me?" by Dante Gabriel Rossetti's sister Christina Rossetti. I use the term "Social Symbolism" which combines a nationalist perspective with traditional French Symbolism, in order to explain how the image of Bruges is represented in his oeuvre. Symbolism calls for psychological introspection evoking death, love, silence, and solitude and recluse from realty in pursuit of the Unknown and the Ideal. Although Khnopff shared this idea, he departed from symbolist tradition by incorporating a political milieu in his paintings. First, I discuss Khnopff's early stage in the formation of his artistic concept, including his family background as well as his early opportunity to visit the Exposition Universelle in Paris where he formed his early interests in aesthetics, philosophy, literature, mythology and Egyptian art. His early works, La Painture, la Musique, la Poesie(1880-1881), Le Crise(1881), and En ecoutant Schuman(1883) reveal his favorite subjects which were quite prevalent in the symbolist traditions of both Belgium and France. By looking at Khnopff's paintings, I endeavor to situate his Symbolism in the context of the development of Belgian modernity and cultural nationalism. Second, my analysis of Khnopff creates a new overview of Symbolism in Europe, especially in Belgium. In the absence of socio-political integration, the Symbolist painter adds nostalgic meaning to the landscape of Bruges. The scene of Bruges illuminates the social atmosphere in Belgium at that time. Since Belgium became an independent country, it tried to differentiate its own cultural and national identity from France. There was a powerful social movement for Belgium to claim its own identity, language, and culture. Bruges was, for Symbolists, the epitome of Belgium's past glory. This encouraged the formation of Belgian nationalism centering on Brussels, as I demonstrate in Khnopff's Bruges-la-Morte(1892). The relationship between Symbolist artist and writers is crucial for understanding this development. Khnopff, for instance, illustrated or provided frontispieces for many Symbolist writers such as Rodenbach, Peladan, Spencer and Le Roy. Khnopff did not objectify the exact meaning, but rather provided his own subjective interpretation. In this respect, I Lock My Door, inspired by Rossetti, started from the same motif, but Khnopff seeked escape into silence and death while Rossetti searched for Christian salvation. Finally my paper deals with the social context in which Khnopff worked. He was a founding member of Les XX in 1883 and later La Libre Esthethetique he also participated in the exhibition of le Salon de la Rose + Croix. Les XX was not a particular school of art and did not have a uniform manifesto, but its exhibitions focused on decorative arts by encompassing art for all people via common, everyday objects. The Periodical, L'art moderne was founded to support this ideal by Edmond Picard and Maux. Les XX declared art as independent art, detached from all official connections. Khnopff designed the 1890 catalogue cover of Les XX and the 1891 cover. These designs show decorative element of Art Nouveau in an early example of "modern poster." Les XX pursued all art including graphic arts, prints, placard, posters and book illustrations and design. These forms of art were l'art social and this movement was formed by the social atmosphere in Belgium in terms of social reforms and strikes by working class. Khnopff designed the book cover for la Maison du Peuple. The artist, however, did not share the ideal egalitarianism of the working class to a certain degree, while he was working in his villa he designed under the ideal motto, "on n'a pas que," he expressed the nihilistic emotions toward society by the theme of interiority such as solitude, silence, narcissism, introspection, and introversion. In the middle of his Symbolism, we find the "cultural nostalgia" or longing that the artist develops in the I Lock My Door upon Myself. Khnopff's longing toward the lost city of "Bruges" form the crux of his "Social Symbolism."

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Thick Description as a Methodology of Comparative Literature (비교문학연구방법론에 대한 소고: 길고 약하고 두껍게 비교하기)

  • Park, Seonjoo
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.50
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    • pp.347-370
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    • 2018
  • This paper proposes a new direction for Comparative Literature which has been deeply Eurocentric and even colonial ever since its birth. 'Comparison' in Comparative Literature has been in fact the ideological mechanism for containing, classifying, and eventually controlling all differences in the world. Literature has naturally served as a national institution of the West at epistemological and discursive level with hidden adjective "comparative". To re-conceptualize the discipline and practice of "Comparative Literature", we need to revolutionize methodology itself based on Wai Chee Dimock's idea of "Weak Theory", Foucault's "disappearance of author", and Clifford Geertz's "thick description". "Thick description" as a methodology of comparative literature re-establishes the discipline as a field of "weak theory", defusing the centrality of linguistic identity and re-making it as a "long network" of loose and missed connections. "Thick description" poses the publicness of nation-state within "confusion of tongues", problematizes the legitimacy of modern knowledge, and puts (the western) nationalism in question. With this idea as a starting point, we can re-imagine Comparative Literature anew as a field of ceaseless discourse of longer, weaker, and thicker networks of interpretation and re-interpretation of differences.