• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.567-584
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• 2014

This paper attempts to analyze labor politics under the Kim Young-Sam regime. The labor politics transformed from conflictual pluralism to social partnership. The transition was triggered by the 'IMF economic crisis,' and the transitional direction was determined by the character of political regime and the pattern of social coalitions. These findings imply that the transitional direction of labor politics is not determined by an economic crisis or international pressure, but by the relational dynamics of social coalitions forcing social actors to new perception and strategic choice.

• Proceedings of the Korean System Dynamics Society
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• 2000.07a
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• pp.105-131
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• 2000

지금까지 역대 정권들은 행정의 혁신을 위해 개혁을 단행해왔다 그러나 그러한 개혁의 대상이 다시 그들 자신이 되어버린 사건들을 많이 보아왔다. 과거 김영삼 정권당시, 과거 역대정권과의 단절과 더불어 세계화에 발맞추어 작고 효율적인 정부를 위해 행정개혁, 특히 인사개혁을 추진하였지만 김현철 사건으로 말미암아 모든 일이 물거품이 되고 말았다. 급기야는 IMF라는 금융위기에 처하고 말았다. 이러한 국가경제의 위기 속에 탄생한 김대중 정권 역시, 지식정보사회 혹은 지식정보경제의 패러다임에 국가 재건을 위해 행정개혁을 추진하였다 그 결과로 IMF 위기를 현재 어느 정도 극복되었지만, 옷 로비 사건을 통해 김대중 정권도 행정개혁의 한계를 드러낼 수밖에 없었다.(중략)

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.35
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• pp.329-361
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• 2006

This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.5-38
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• 2019

After the democratization movement in 1987, korean politics was transformed into three kim's politics by y Kim Yeong-sam, Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong-pil. Before the time of three kim's politics, korean politics lasted for one long term, but three kim's politics made possible the peaceful regime change through political party integration and party coalition. The evaluation of three kim's politics coexist both positive and negative. The Positive political effects are diversification of political party composition and stabilization of regime change. Three kim's politics transformed the political party composition of Korea from a two-party system to a multi-party system, made possible a peaceful regime change through the unification of three parties and the DJP coalition. However, the negative political distortions of three kim's politics are the shortening of political parties and the concentration of political ideology. In three kim's politics, political party in Korea has a very short life due to the creation of political parties, the dissolution of political parties, the reorganization of political parties and the integration of political parties. Conservatism and progressive tendencies related three kim's politics were stabilized through Yeongnam region and Honam region. Therefore, three kim's politics means that the proportion of Korean politics is very high. Political effects and distortions derived from three kim's politics have become a challenge for Korean politics to overcome.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.133-156
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• 2006

This paper tries to explore the overall profile of Korean female labor force over the period of 1960-2000. A particular emphasis is put on portraying major over-time characteristics of female labor force, following five different political regimes--that of Park, J.H.(1960 and 1970s), of Chon D.H. (early and late 1980s), of Roh T.W. (late 1980-early 1990s), of Kim,Y.S. (early 1990-1ate 1990s), and of Kim. D. J. (late 1990-early 2000s), respectively. Discussions have centered around: 1) utilization of young single girls from rural areas during the early industrialization process of 1960-1985; 2) the beginning of married women's entry into labor market and issues of the socalled &M-curve& thesis in Korean experiences since 1990s; 3) the emergence and enlargement of non-regular workers; and 4) the launching of labor related legal measures such as the Equal Employment Act of 1988 and its successive revisions, the Maternity Leave Acts, the On-the-Job Chi1dcare Centers, and the prohibition of sexual harassments on the job setting, and so on. All in all, although it is undeniable that the Korean female labor force has experienced much progress over the period of time in terms of &equality and protection& issues, overall industrial reality we are facing with has not been so prosperous in the sense that most women workers have become the victims of industrial polarization, as time goes by.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.296-340
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• 2009

The power of media has always been problematic in the countries of full press freedom. Originally, the media used to be an effective vehicle for communication within human beings. However, it exerts an overwhelming power toward human society. Through applying the well-known four dog models in terms of media function, this study attempts to examine how the press media in South Korea transformed themselves into another powerful independent organization or institution after regime shift in 1987. The whole editorials of four sampled newspapers were analyzed through frame analysis model. The ChosunIlbo, known as a conservative and pro-government paper, shows to take the role of supporting chaebol policies under Roh TaeWoo Administration. However, it criticizing sharply against the chaebol policies of Roh MooHyun Administration. The JoongangIlbo, known as a pro-chaebol paper, appears anti-government position through the entire four administrations in terms of chaebol policies. Particularly, it reveals hostile editorial coverage during the Roh MooHyun Administration. However, KyunghyangShinmun, currently known as a liberal paper, viewed somewhat complicated positions (see text in more detail) because of its ownership turbulence during the past twenty years. On the other hand, Hangyoreh, regarded as a progressive paper, keeps in supportive attitude consistently against the four sampled administrations as far as regulating each government policies for chaebols.