• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.6 no.7
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• pp.79-89
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• 2006

This study attempted theoretical considerations for the formation and roles of international organizations. More specifically, the study examined experiential cases of IAEA's formation and roles, based on the points of realist and liberalist paradigms that show different viewpoints on the formation and roles of international organizations. The findings of this study show that many parts cannot be explained only with theoretical assumptions of liberalist paradigm, such as international organizations' functional merits, game rules, interdependent interests and role independence. Especially as seen in the formation and operation cases of IAEA, the formation of international organizations is mainly motivated by the security of vested rights among powers and their roles may be changed, depending on the mutual policy objectives of the countries concerned.. In this respect, international organizations do not seem to be strictly protected in independence or efficiency of their roles. Therefore, the liberalist hegemony stability theory is useful to explain the formation and roles of international organizations.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.5-36
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• 2017

"The Candle Revolution" impeached the Park government and elected the Moon government. The candlelight protesters demonstrated public anger associated with accumulated corruption and deep-rooted irregularities. Complete political reform is required to perform deep fundamental reform. It aims to transform democracy in a way that is more inclusive. Inclusive democracy contributes to making welfare state stronger. Inclusive democracy is made possible by proportional representation that allows progressive parties more seats and leverages. Proportional representation systems are characterized by higher degrees of redistribution and larger welfare state. Constitutional reform has to be focused on introducing parliamentary government. "Imperialistic" presidential system in Korea has no mechanism of checks and balances which are key characteristics of presidential systems. It has failed to attend the poverty and social inequality arising from globalization and neoliberal change since 2000s. Parliamentary government is supposed to deliver social policy when parties are more disciplined than in presidential system where political parties remain weak.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.269-291
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• 2014

The purpose of this article is to analyze the tendency and characteristics in armed conflict in post-Cold War era on the basis of Uppsala conflict data program(UCDP) datasets. The collapse of bipolarity and the end of cold War proved a watershed in the dynamics of international conflict. The major shift in the nature of conflict has been away from interstate conflict, leaving intrastate conflict. Major powers have acted carefully against each other and been willing to understand the interests of other to avoid military confrontation and crash. As the means of termination for armed conflict, there is a stronger emphasis on the peace settlement like peace agreement and ceasefire agreement than military victory. Many intrastate conflicts become internationalized, through the involvement of diaspora communities, or regionalized through a spillover effect into neighboring countries. Since the end of the Cold War, the UN has taken a much more active role in conflict management and conflict resolution.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.11
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• pp.306-316
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• 2018

This research studies voter's value and attitude reflected by the politician's overall image and scrutinizes the separate structures of the voters' subjectivity on the matter. Objective of the research is to explain the influence that exercises on voters' political actions through this procedure. On this research, there were 32 Q samples that are selected, and they were categorized by a pool of 20 people. Result showed total of 3 different categories of cognition patterns towards Gyeonggi-do Governor Lee Jae Myeong. Of the 3 categories, category 1 (N=4) was a reformer with apparent principles and initiatives, category 2 (N=12) was an efficient tactician with executive ability, and the last category 3 (N=4) was a populist that strives to achieve his political ambition. Opinion of the samples in the first category was that Governor Lee is the right guy for demolishing the barrier between vested class and the non-vesting in the society. Voters in the second category showed expectation for Governor Lee's executive policies that satisfy the voters, given his abilities proven while he was in mayor's office for Seongnam city. People in the pool of category 3 worried that Governor Lee is busy increasing his approval rating and popularity by asserting unrealistic opinions and impractical policies.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.145
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• pp.271-296
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• 2018

In this article, I intend to reveal critically both the intrinsic crux and main problems of the politics of hostile exclusion based on the effect of labeling which was designed precisely as an impure political technique and has been operated for too long in Korean society by the conservative ruling class that centered on various negative ideological labels like 'pro-North Korean leftist forces.' Firstly, what is called the 'conservative ruling class' in Korean society is in itself an antinationalistic and antidemocratic pro-Japanese dictatorship group. Secondly, the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship group has utilized politically the labeling effect which regards antigovernment Korean members as pro-North Korean or rebellious persons. This group's hostile politics, based on the ideological labelling effect, deprives antigovernment persons and groups of the qualification of Korean citizenship, in order to hold and retain their supreme power in Korean society. Thirdly, the conservative ruling class has attempted to stigmatize the citizens who participate in a movement for democracy as a pro-North Korean leftist force, but such a politically impure manner is typically completely unjustified groundless labeling. Fourthly, the attempt to define the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship force is normatively justified and resonably appraised insofar as such a definition has been proved to be worthy of confidence. Finally, the trial to consider Roh's regime and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups as a kind of Yeongnam hegemonism by several critical intellectuals and current politicians from Honam region is not only merely a groundless and unconvincing labelling, but also the failed outcome of the attempt to systemize logically their emotional antipathy and repulsion toward Roh and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.67
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• pp.152-176
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• 2014

Public opinion has dramatically shifted from positive to negative in Korea society especially since the IMF crisis. Such terms as 'aristocratic union', 'collectivism', 'damages on public interest' became a kind of conventional wisdom. Undoubtedly, media's representation has much to do with such a tantamount difference. This study thus attempts to understand the mechanism by analyzing media discourse related to labor strikes. For this purpose, this paper made a choice three cases including doctor-pharmacist dispute, general strike by truckers' solidarity, and Ssangyong Motor's strike. Total 217 editorial pieces of , and conceived to be a representative newspaper of ideological stance were analyzed. Research showed that while paying particular attention to demoralizing labor strikes, shed positive light on such disputes by articulating fundamental causes hampered by pro-capital policies along with anti-labor law enforcement. The believed to be relatively a neutral one showed ambivalent attitudes toward those cases. More favorable and inclusive reporting were found in accordance with policy shifts as well. Media's selective partisanship for the sake of private interests is firmly believed to downgrading credibility on Korean journalism. Also is fair, balanced and less biased reporting over socal disputes a vital part in crystallizing social consensus. In this consideration, the authors hoped this study to provide an opportunity to contemplate on what would be desirable journalistic values in modern democracy.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.305-330
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to examine whether Myanmar's experience in which dealing with the most exemplary change among rogue states or pariah state in the 21st century is feasible for North Korea's case. Recently, North Korea's willingness to dialogue, reform and open is similar to the precedent in which the Myanmar military junta dismantled its ruling system and turned over transition period through general elections in 2010 and 2015 each. The so-called 'Myanmar Model' refers to a country branded as a rogue state which has been under the international sanctions and pressure, and opening its political system and the market by choosing transformation. However, rapid changes in speed across the entire society after opening up are impossible because the political elite is only the leading role and implementation in the transition. In case of Myanmar, military culture has penetrated into society due to such a long-lasting military dictatorship, and even democratic bloc has become accustomed to authoritarian decision-making process. Furthermore, the "reserved area" of the old regime still exists in a deformed political structure that can not retrieve the interests of the military. Therefore there could not be achieved political development in term of qualification. North Korea also appears unlikely to achieve political and economic assessment in a short period of time, as civil society has not appeared due to its long dictatorship and very low economic development levels. Like Myanmar, North Korea is also likely to control the pace and direction of upcoming reforms and open, as the dictator or most powerful person chose to reform and open up. Therefore, if North Korea moves toward the 'Myanmar Model', there will be high expectations of new changes in the short term, but it could be delayed or stalled in the mid and long term.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.249-280
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• 2019

This research aims at examining the present of fusion historical dramas through a TV soap opera, and discussing the narrative of this genre and external elements to be equipped. tried to break from conventionality of fusion historical dramas by intensifying it. By comprehensively suggesting the history of conflicts repeated in existing dramas, it helped its viewers to concentrate on it easily. In addition, by setting a separate space from the secret strife in a palace while depicting it, it expressed romance between a man and a woman faithfully. Moreover, two individual riddles were given so that the narrative became rich. Furthermore, the social problems of remaining singles and the tyranny of the establishment were dealt with. Novelty was presented with the viewpoint of seeing the past through today's perspective instead of seeing the present through the past; by trying to interpret modern culture in a way of Joseon, such as the figures reflecting the phases of the times and lines using newly-coined words and abbreviations. Therefore, the success of the drama contents lies not in breaking from customs but in thinking about what to change based on conventional characteristics. can be evaluated to be a work that can be an idealistic model of this genre.

• 한국체육학회지인문사회과학편
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• v.54 no.5
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• pp.581-592
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• 2015

This research was fairness in sport and power is how they form and change through historical discussion on the sport's doping and ran afoul of fairness Explored in match-fixing in relationship with power, the product of the problems of human desires. First, doping and exploration of power. The history of doping in sports, history as long as it existed before. Medication is ruler of the players can't or don't conform with authority between the pair formed a relationship, where, in accordance with the victory of a temptation for wealth and fame and vested interests and desire, is personal, Society and country ranging and widely is committed. In particular, power of expression is reflected well reflected in the sport in the Cold War era and, in those days was wrong thinking and practices are still truly understands the connection between doping and anti-doping. Second, match-fixing and exploration of power. Also in the history of sport as doping, match-fixing, always existed. Sport and fairness of match-fixing in relation to artificial sources, and well decide the outcome of which ended with sport, not an issue connected to gambling and other crimes, And that's another sport and bring about a vicious circle of even turn into a row. The reason for this match fixing in power part of the formation of capital and profits for the exact cause has developed that further threatens the fair sport. Thus, in fairness, and relations of power in sport doping and match-fixing is historically very meaningful and, further research and discussion is needed. Buried the materialistic values of sport doping and match-fixing, nothing is being tolerated and other researchers' power as the elements of the pie grow only by sport only No one can guarantee that only satisfied if we hold a bright future of sport.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.72
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• pp.341-366
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• 2022

In Korean society, church once witnessed the period of its being considered light and salt. After the liberation, Korean church bestowed Jesus Christ's love to underprivileged neighbors in the industrialization process and organized practical participation activities for human rights and democratization. Nonetheless, church was sunken into quantitative growth without having qualitative growth. As church was cited as the epicenter of the spreading COVID-19, the image of selfish church has started receiving attention and there has appeared a criticism for immoral church tendency, which brought low trust about church. These things are resulted from church's failure to undertake its role with responsibility, in society. Such as this, church has lost its identity as the model of the Kingdom of God. In such a situation, church needs to remind itself of the enlightenment of the Ecumenical Movement, in order to recover trust and perform its mission. The Ecumenical Movement means accomplishing unification of the universe through a renewed church. This movement is aimed to create the earth as 'where humans can stay' and to consider the sustainability of mankinds. This purpose of this study is to examine political activities conducted for responsible participation in the church world and to find the way for church roles in this world. This researcher will attempt to investigate educational methods to help Christians in this world take full responsibility given to them, through an educational discussion about Christianity made in this context. This educational attempt means, in other words, political affairs also.