• Korean Security Journal
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• no.57
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• pp.253-275
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• 2018

Economic security emerged as a strong element of national security. Nations around the world are exerting their efforts to collect economic intelligence to serve their national interest while making added efforts to uncover industrial espionage and arrest industrial spies in defensive aspect. Cases in point are the enactment of "Economic Espionage Act(1996)" of the U.S. and the "Act on Prevention of Divulgence and Protection of Industrial Technology(2006)"of Korea. Korea is trying to punish industrial spying on the same level as espionage that poses national security threat by revising Criminal Code. It is necessary to review whether the move to toughen the punishment of industrial spying from "up to 15 years in prison and/or up to 1.5 billion won in fine" to "minimum seven years of imprisonment, life imprisonment or death penalty" is appropriate. Advanced nations regulate industrial spying with a special act on economy although they have applied espionage act not to "enemy states" but to "foreign countries" in the first place. Likewise, preventing industrial spying by applying espionage act through the revision of criminal code poses a risk of undermining the autonomy of industry sector by excessive influence of state power. Furthermore, the penalty of minimum imprisonment of seven years, life imprisonment or death penalty with the application of espionage act under the criminal code is an legal application by stretching of the law, posing a risk of dampening healthy economic activities. Therefore, revising and applying relevant economic laws such as aforementioned 'Act on Prevention of Divulgence and Protection of Industrial Technology(2006)' is thought to be desirable to achieve the goal of protecting industrial technologies.

• Strategy21
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• s.40
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• pp.235-254
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• 2016

최근 남중국해(South China Sea: 南中國海)가 동아시아 해양안보의 중심 이슈로 대두되고 있다. 아울러 남중국해 문제가 당사국 간 해양분쟁 및 해양경계획정 이슈만이 아닌, 제3자 개입 등의 다자간 해양분쟁과 대립으로 확산되는 매우 복잡한 양상을 보이고 있다. 이러한 남중국해 해양문제는 미국과 중국 간의 강대국 경쟁구도가 적용되어 힘의 시현을 위한 대결 국면이 되는 반면, 중국이 전통적 해양이익을 구단선(nine dash line)을 근거로 주장하면서 국제법 적용 문제에 따른 법적 문제의 성격을 나타내고 있다. 이에 따라 최근 남중국해 상황은 '항해의 자유(Freedom of Navigation)' 보장을 주장하는 미국, 역사적 권리 보장을 위해 일반적 조치를 강행하고 해군력을 증강시키는 중국, 그리고 남중국해를 경유하는 수많은 선박들의 항해 안전(navigational safety)을 강조하는 역내 국가 간 의견이 표출되는 복잡한 양상으로 나타나고 있다. 특히 최근 중국이 상설중재재판소의 남중국해 중재판결을 무시하여 국제법 적용이 어려운 가운데 포괄적 동아시아 해양안보 차원에서 남중국해 이슈 해결을 위한 새로운 접근방안이 요구되고 있다. 이는 남중국해에 대한 당사국 간 평화적 분쟁 해결과 더불어, 강대국 간의 전략적 함의에 의한 해결이 병행되어야 함을 의미한다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.177-207
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• 2009

This paper deals with the future role of Korean National Assembly in regulatory policy making, Implementation, and evaluation. For this purpose, the author developed the logic for NA's intervention to the regulatory policy making by the executive branch and presidency. Five models of regulatory initiative between National Assembly and the executive branch are also developed by the author. Lastly, new organizational alternatives for the National Assembly to initiate, to participate and to evaluate national regulatory reform policies.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.36
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• pp.71-99
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• 1998

There is a general consensus that fate of the differentiated welfare state had fallen into the brink of demise during the 1970s while the integrated welfare state model has emerged instead. Indications are all that such trend spotlights occupational welfare which has been relatively neglected, especially, in the field of social welfare. Nevertheless, the occupational welfare system in Korea faced crisis due to two major incidents. One is the IMP crisis which necessitates massive scale of restructuring of the general fabric of the Korean business and industry. There is little doubt that the economic crisis will surely cut down occupational welfare expenditure substantially. The other is a report released by the Korean Labor Research Institute which argus that there is no correlation between the Korean occupational welfare system and labor productivity. Thorough investigation of the Korean occupational welfare system suggests that current system is so outdated that it doesn't meet needs of the industrial workforce which, in turn, fails to enhance workers productivity. Consequently, a need for new paradigm and system arises and employee assistance program(EAP) emerges as a viable alternative. EAP is thoroughly delianeated of it's definition, motivations, functions, ingredients, historical background as well as cost-effectiveness. But major tasks center around an investigation and an analysis of it's applicability. In-depth analysis was carried out on the issue of it's indispensable natures and stumbling blocks on the way to lay it's root in the Korean industrial environment. It seems harder than the herculean task. However, EAP is not simply an alternative but is rather a pressing imperative for the present occupational welfare system in Korea which stands at the crossroad.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.93-104
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• 2008

This article will divide agricultural change process in Yanbian area into the period of japan rule, socialism and later time of the reform and open policy and so on. It will analyze the changes of Yanbian agriculture in every period influenced by external environment influence. The conclusions are as follow: first, under the influence of the japan rule, the policy about Korean Minority immigrants in japan and the original work agriculture and the group tribe construction, Yanbian fanning was controlled by the Japanese. Therefore, Yanbian's agriculture became the tool to satisfy the war and plunder the resource for Japanese. It shows the obviously peripheral characteristics. Second, in socialism time, Yanbian's agriculture was influenced by the rural communalization. The fanning completely belongs to the country, the agricultural production is influenced by the idea of "grain as the key link" which it only pays attention to take the cultivation industry and the production of grain in the interior of cultivation industry. Therefore, it has not been able fully to use the rich natural resource. Third, after reform and open policy, the countrysides were implemented family contract responsibility system, the farmer can rent the land for a long time, and the enthusiasm of agricultural production was improved. Moreover, due to the social market economy-system, the farmer carried on the agricultural production activities according to the market's demands and various departments of the agriculture obtained the coordinate development.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.265-288
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• 2016

This essay begins by discussing the issue of the definition of a catastrophe as a trauma by visual media and the problems that result. We assume a concrete approach towards these problems by examining the process through which 9/11 was defined as a "national trauma" in the exclusion of images of bodies falling from towers, which were some of the most shocking images in the media coverage of 9/11. The choice to exclude images of falling men from American visual media representations of 9/11 goes hand in hand with the tendencies of a contemporary trauma theory. This essay assumes that the representations in the U.S visual media depend on "antimimetic theory," one of the leading contemporary trauma theories, in order to validate its logic, and examines the limitations and problems of the theory. This work aims to examine the issue of the definition of a catastrophe as trauma by visual media on the basis on the "antimimetic theory" and the danger that results. Because the antimimetic theory, which the visual media in the United States uses to define 9/11 as trauma, emphasizes literal and unmediated representation of an external event, it lacks an understanding of the human aspects of the event. There is no way to intervene in the construction and interpretation of the trauma. As a result, the theory discourages active attempts to find a solution to the problems of the people directly connected with the event. Thus, it provides an opening for manipulative intervention of an external power. This essay attempts to provide a critical analysis of the "antimimetic theory" in order to help people who witness catastrophic events through various types of visual media, and to seek an alternative means of experiencing and responding to the trauma, that does not stem from the perspective of specific media outlets or external powers.

• Proceedings of the Korean DIstribution Association Conference
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• 2006.08a
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• pp.69-90
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• 2006

1997년 시장개방 이후 할인점을 중심으로 한 대형유통점은 급성장한 반면, 중소유통점은 계속 쇠퇴하고 있다. 대형유통점이 대도시에 이어 지방중소도시로 확대되면서 중소유통점은 대형유통점이 자신의 생존을 가장 크게 위협하고 있는 것으로 인식하고 있다. 이로 인해 중소유통점과 대형유통점간의 갈등이 확산되고 있는 실정이다. 갈등이 확산되면서 일부 지자체의 경우 이미 조례로 대형유통점에 대한 규제를 강화하였으며, 일부 의원들에 의해 대형 유통점에 대한 규제를 주 내용으로 하는 입법발의가 되고 있다. 중소유통점이 정부와 지자체에 요구하는 것은 크게 두 가지이다. 하나는 중소유통업을 살리기 위해 중소유통점에 대한 지원을 강화해 달라는 것이며, 또 다른 하나는 대형유통점에 대한 규제를 강화해 달라는 것이다. 반면, 대형유통점은 유통산업 전체의 건전한 발전과 선진화, 글로벌화를 위해 대형유통점에 대한 규제를 오히려 완화해 달라고 요구하고 있다. 대형유통점은 중소유통점의 경쟁력 강화를 목적으로 하는 정부나 지자체의 지원에는 반대하고 있지 않다. 정부와 지자체가 고려할 수 있는 정책대안은 크게 네 가지이다. 첫 번째 방안은 자유경쟁의 원리에 의해 정부가 시장에 개입하지 않는 것이다. 이 경우, 경쟁력이 약한 중소유통점은 계속 쇠퇴할 것이며 갈등이 심화되고 정부와 지자체에 대한 사회정치적 비난이 커질 우려가 있다. 두 번째 방안은 중소유통점의 경쟁력 강화를 위해 정부와 지자체가 이들에 대한 지원을 강화하는 것이다. 개별 중소유통점의 경영혁신 노력과 중소유통점간의 연대노력을 행 재정적으로 지원하는 것이 주된 내용이다. 중소유통사업자의 경영능력 배양을 목적으로 한 교육지원, 마케팅능력 제고, 협업화, 조직화, 정보화의 촉진, 공동사업에 대한 지원이 이에 해당될 것이다. 현재 정부와 다수의 지자체가 취하고 있는 방안이며 네 가지 대안 중 가장 합리적인 것으로 평가되고 있다. 세 번째 방안은 대형유통점과 중소유통점간의 상생협력을 정부와 지자체가 유도하는 것이다. 경쟁관계에 있는 두 당사자 간의 상생협력을 모색하는 것은 모양새는 아름답지만 실효성이 낮은 것이 문제이다. 전시성, 일회성 사업으로 끝나지 않도록 하여야 할 것이다. 네 번째 방안은, 정부와 지자체가 대형유통점에 대한 규제를 강화하는 것이다. 먼저, 대형유통점의 불공정거래행위에 대한 감시감독과 처벌을 강화하는 것은 당연한 것이다. 그러나 정부가 아닌 지자체가 이를 주도하기는 사실 어려움이 있다. 그리고 대형유통점이 영업행위를 영업시간제한에서부터 출점제한에 이르기까지 규제하는 건은 심사숙고하여야 한다. 대형유통점이 국가경제 및 지역사회에 미치는 영향이 부정적인가 긍정적인가에 대해 국내외 학계와 업계에서 여전히 많은 논란이 있기 때문이다. 정부와 지자체에 의한 시장개입은 반드시 필요한 경우에 한해 합당한 방법에 의해 이루어져야 한다. 대형유통점에 대한 규제는 지역사회에 미치는 영향을 다면적으로 평가한 결과에 근거하여 이루어져야 할 것이다. 대부분의 지자체는 체계적인 평가시스템과 객관적인 통계 자료를 갖고 있지 못한 실정이다. 향후 가장 시급한 과제는 시장개방 이후 지난 10년간 대형유통점이 지역사회에 미친 영향에 관한 광범위한 통계자료를 수집하고 이를 체계적으로 분석하여 정책방향을 올바르게 설정하는 것이라 할 수 있다.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.85-100
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to raise the importance of 'family culture and values' in the process of diagnosing and discussing the causes and measures of low fertility in Korean society. In addition, I sought to find the causes of over - fertilization and ways to cope with it in terms of educational approach to establishing family culture and values. Specifically, this study firstly reviews the causes of low fertility in Korea by examining the evaluation of low fertility policies, secondly, examines the actual conditions and changes in family culture and values related to low fertility, and third, In this paper, I examined the validity of educational intervention, the actual state of intervention, the contents of education in institutional education, the necessity and effect of education, the composition of educational content, and possible policies and arguments based on educational approach. The issue of low birth rate is a national social problem facing the Korean society in the modern age. Considering its causes and countermeasures at the same time, it is necessary to pay attention to the factors of family culture and values as well as economic factors. To further emphasize the educational approach to gender equality and family-friendly family culture and values.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.70
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• pp.35-65
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• 2015

This paper is consisted of the thesis that the decontextualized limitation of media cultural studeis in Korea should be overcome by walking into and linking with today's urban crisis and everyday life. It proposes us to become the flaneurs who do not hesitate to go to, think of, and experience actively the city in crisis under the capital/state domination. It's conclusion would be that we must practice participation observation at the fields and thus recover the critical element of cultural studies writing, by entering into the city and seeing at the features of crisis routinely expressed and symptomatically appear in there. For and before this, the author will first of all pay attention to John Fiske in later period, who was merely perceived and falsely regarded as an active audience theorist. He will also review de Certeau from whom Fiske has borrowed the concept of tactics, and Berman who has further practiced the very spatial tactic. The paper is prepared so as to expand the ideas and thoughts of them who have gone beyond the boundary of text, audience and onto the context of urban space. It's goal is much more than rescuing, recovering Fiske's alternative trajectory. It tries to reconstruct the tradition of urban media cultural studies critically connected with the dangerous, life-threatening capitalist condition. Furthermore, by filling up the theoretical vacuum left behind disconnected and cut away from Fiske, it attempts to find a vision, prospect of cultural studies that will actively engage themselves dialectally with dangerous yet hopeful life of the city and its popular masses.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.255-288
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• 2016

Korean mass media has represented foreigners in their documentaries, entertainment shows, situational comedies, and dramas for long time, while the representations created plenty of controversies. Alleged West-oriented racism found from various televison programs may be one of them. Recently, however, more Korean television shows began to incorporate the ideas of multi-culturalism. This paper is an attempt to explore how television audiences interpret multi-culturalism reflected in the media. More specifically, this is a case study of JTBC's , a show featuring foreigners debating on various topics regarding Korean culture. Particularly, it focuses on disputes over the producers' decision to play 'Kimigayo' (the national anthem of Japan, which is also considered as a symbol of Japanese militaristic past) when introduced a new Japanese panel. Critical discourse analysis was adoped as the main research method, and researchers found that audiences draw certain guidelines in accepting multi-cultural aspects. If and when these aspects overstep the line, they tend to abandon it without hesitance. In the case of 'Kimigayo,' it was ethno-centrism and/or anti-Japanes sentiments which made multi-culturalsim much weaker. It does not mean that multi-culturalism was replaced-or defeated-by nationalism, but show the 'vulnerability' of multi-culturalsim. Multi-culturalism is not as concretely rooted in Korean society as many people have claimed or hoped. The research has its own limitations as a case study, but it is hoped to stimulate other researchers to keep their eyes on media and multi-culturalsim in Korea.