• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.56-69
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• 2011

A Gamsil is an ritual instrument which enshrine the ancestral tablets of four lines from late great-great-grandfather and grandmother to late father and mother. This has their soul. Juja's "Garye" informs its structure pattern. It is placed in Sadang and takes the form of a perfectly square box. It partitions four rooms and enshrine an ancestral tablet room by room. They get the ancestral tablets line up from west to east. And they also enshrine the ancestral tablets without his descendant together in Gamsil. A Gamsil is a space to enshrine the ancestral tablets and to place an order within a family. A social status and A family economic power become a standard in making and managing Sadang. Kingdom in Joseon period limited the ancestral tablets considering of his degree of official rank which descendant enshrined. A official servant can be stable economically in getting a stipend and build sadang in the house. While household a little in economic enshrine the ancestral tablets at a Gamsil placed at the a space of private home. His personal circumstances make size and pattern, place change in relation to Gamsil. A Gamsil looks like house in structure and pattern. It has the immortality of the soul. And it changed from a table size to a ancestral tablet size. This Gamsil is comfortable to move and is made considering of the width and height of household. The transition of Gamsil means institutions is in close to a family economic power in social change. Kingdom in Joseon early period makes a policy of a Gamyo's build and an ancestral enshrine in basement of Juja's "Garye". The transition of Gamsil gave a common people limitted socially and institutionally the service of late four lines. Most of people enshrine the ancestral tablets of their four lines in approaching of in the late of Joseon Dinasty. They compromise on their reality and cause. The transition of Gamsil implied many different things in social ; the authenticity search and a dignity expression of his family, the foundation for the diffusion of an ancestral service, a space sharing with ancestor and descendent, the increment of a family economic power etc.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.106-130
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• 2009

The aim of this paper is analysis of structure and development pattern about wooden coffin and chamber tombs in Gyeongju from the 2nd century B.C. to the 3rd century A.D. for researching to socio-political tendency and growth process of Sarokuk. Tombs buried with iron objects were built in Youngnam(嶺南) from the 2nd century B.C. with spread wooden coffin with stone mound(積石木棺墓). Also medium or small sized wooden coffin tombs buried with bronze mirror of western Han(前漢) and soft stoneware(瓦質土器) were appeared the 2nd century B.C. in Gyeongju, because of establishment of Han's commanderies(漢郡縣) in the Korean Peninsula and refuge from Daedong river(大同江) to Jinhan(辰韓). Separate tombs(獨立墓) with lots of bronze object ware assumed high ranked tombs of parsonage(司祭王) or local chief(地域首長). From the 2nd century A.D. the size of wooden coffin tombs became enlarged and funerary objects ware abundant, for example Sarari 130th tomb(舍羅里 130號). The burying pattern of this tomb is similar to wooden chamber tombs in Lelang(樂浪), which had prestige goods like lacquer ware and bronze mirror in wood box(木匣) beside coffin. Appearance of these wooden chamber tombs that were different from original wooden coffin tombs imply interaction between Lelang and these area with iron. Sarari community that held right of trade and distribution to outside through the geographical advantage grew up centered position in Gyeongju politically, socially, and culturally. Chamber in tomb as a new structural notion that can secure funerary objects became firmly was established from the 2nd century A.D. in Gyeongju and large sized wooden chamber tombs were generally built early of the 3rd century A.D. This tendency was reflected in stratification of community and growth as center of local state. After late of the 3rd century A.D. Gyeongju type wooden chamber tomb(慶州式木槨墓) which had subordinate outer coffin(副槨) was appeared and then subordinate outer coffin was as bigger as main chamber(主槨) the 4th century A.D., because of centralization and stratification in society and unification of various communities among the Gyeongju area.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.379-418
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• 2017

Weoldae -which we can find inside Joseon palaces- is usually erected in front of important structures including the Main Hall(Jeongjeon, 正殿). There is no clear definition of its nature that we can find in official law codes or dynastic ritual manuals, and such records do not specify what kind of rules should be observed in creating them either. In illustrations of palaces such as and , Weoldae can be seen at structures such as the Main "Jeongjeon" Hall(正殿), Royal office(Pyeonjeon, 便殿), Royal Quarters(Jeongchim, 正寢), Queen's bedroom(Chimjeon, 寢殿), Quarters of the Crown Prince(Dong'gung, 東宮), and other structures. All these structures equipped with a Weoldae were related to special figures inside the royal family such as the king, the queen, the crown prince, and the crown-prince' son. These figures were literally above the law, and as such their treatment could not be defined by law. And these spaces were where they worked or rested while they lived, and where their posthumous tablets(Shinju, 神主) or portraits(Eojin, 御眞) were enshrined after they died. (When such spaces were used for latter purposes, they were designated either as 'Honjeon[魂殿, chamber of the tablet]' or 'Jinjeon[眞殿, hall of portrait']). Joseon was a Confucian dynasty with a strict social stratification system, and the palace structures reflected such atmosphere as well. We can see that structures described with Weoldae in and were structures which were more important than others that did not have a Weoldae. Among structures with Weoldae, the place which hosted most of the dynastic rituals was the Main Hall. In this Main Hall, the King swore an oath himself, passed the incense(香) himself during memorial services, and observed honoring ceremonies[Manbae-rye(望拜禮)] at the "Hwangdan"(皇壇) altar which was built to commemorate the three Ming Emperors. The so-called "Two Palaces[兩闕]" of Joseon shared a unique relationship in terms of their own Weoldae units and the rituals that were held there. In the early half of the Joseon dynasty period, Gyeongbok-gung(景福宮) and Dong'gweol(東闕) constituted the "Two palaces," but after the war with the Japanese in the 1590s during which the Gyeongbok-gung palace was incinerated, Dong'gweol and Seogweol(西闕) came to newly form the "Two palaces" instead. Meanwhile, Changdeok-gung(昌德宮) became the main palace[法宮], replacing the previous one which had been Gyeongbok-gung. In general, when a king moved to another palace, the ancestral tablets in the Honjeon chamber or the portrait in the Jinjeon hall would accompany him as well. Their presence would be established within the new palace. But king Yeongjo was an exception from that practice. Even after he moved to the Gyeong'hi-gung(慶熙宮) palace, he continued to pay visit to the Jinjeon Hall at Changdeok-gung. While he was positioned inside Gyeong'hi-gung, he did not manage the palace with Gyeonghi-gung as its sole center. He tried to manage other palaces like Changdeok-gung and Chang'gyeong-gung(昌慶宮) as well, and as organically as possible.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.71
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• pp.147-180
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• 2018

Seokjeong JEONG-JIK LEE is a scholar who tried to render a form of service for his country by writing works of literature during the crisis of the Period of Modern Enlightenment. He mainly expressed his perception of reality through an evaluation of historical figures. He left behind a text on the Analects of Confucius, which is known as the '10 questions and answers regarding the Analects of Confucius', in his posthumous work. It seems that he wrote it to be used as lecture material for his students. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze his recognition to the Analects of Confucius and its learning direction expressed in the writing '10 questions and answers regarding the Analects of Confucius'. With respect to the word ren(仁), which is the most fundamental concept of the Analects, he viewed his life in an introspective way from the standpoint of a 'Hoinyupe(好仁有蔽)', which means that if you like kindness and fairness but don't like learning it, then there will be negative effects, and through the 'Gwangwajiin(觀過知仁)', which means that you will know for sure kindness and fairness when you observe wrongdoing, not the general viewpoint of 'Humaneness or Love'. He tried to determine the meaning of ren, and virtue(德) through a common denominator from an overall point of view. It might have been a reflection of his thoughts that a sound comprehension of powerful countries was needed. In terms of relationship between Gunja(君子) and Myeong(命), Gunja needs to make constant efforts to understand Myeong as a talented person who can maintain order. The direction of learning was examined under three categories: Jongipjibang (從入之方), Gunjajiryu(君子之類), and Sumunihae(隨文而解). Jongipjibang is defined as a way to complement the weaknesses of leaners according to their characteristics and it promotes a focus on pushing ethics into practice rather than acquiring knowledge as it is today. Gunja was classified into 3 stages. However, it merely provides standards to help learners' understandings, so not all students may fall into these stages. Sumunihae gives explanations of commentaries on the book. Seokjeong remarked that the meaning was not different even if the same concept was annotated differently in the "Four Books". This is because the context was emphasized according to the principle of 'Sosisojeol Pilchakpilseom (所始所切, 必着必贍)'.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.11-28
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• 2021

Due to its size and complex characteristics, it is not often to newly create a large park within an existing urban area. Also, there has been a lack of research on the planting design methodologies for a large park. This study aims to elucidate how ecological ideas can be applied to planting practice from a designer's perspective, and eventually suggest a planting design framework in the actual case, the Central Park in the City of Gwangju. This framework consists of spatial structure of planting area in order to connect and unite the separated green patches, to adapt to the changes of existing vegetation patterns, to maintain the visual continuity of landscape, and to organize the whole open space system. The framework can be provided for the spatial planning and planting design phase in which the landscape designer flexibly uses it with the design intentions as well as with an understanding of the physical, social, and aesthetic characteristics of the site. The significance of this approach is, first that it can maintain ecological and visual consistency of the both existing and introduced landscapes as a whole in spite of its intrinsic complexity and largeness, and second that it can help efficiently respond to the unexpected changes in the landscape. In the case study, comprehensive site analysis is conducted before developing the framework. In particular, wetlands and grasslands have been identified as potential wildlife habitat which critically determines the vegetation patterns of the green area. Accordingly, the lists of plant communities are presented along with the planting scheme for their shape, layout, and relations. The model of the plant community is developed responding to the structure of surrounding natural landscape. However, it is not designed to evolve to a specific plant community, but is rather a conceptual model of ecological potentials. Therefore, the application of the model has great flexibility by using other plant communities as an alternative as long as the characteristics of the communities are appropriate to the physical conditions. Even though this research provides valuable implications for landscape planning and design in the similar circumstances, there are several limitations to be overcome in the further research. First, there needs to be more sufficient field surveys on the wildlife habitats, which would help generate a more concrete planting model. Second, a landscape management plan should be included considering the condition of existing forest, in particular the afforested landscapes. Last, there is a lack of quantitative data for the models of some plant communities.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.40
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• pp.243-272
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• 2022

Jeongeup, Jeollabuk-do, is an area that requires attention from those who study the history of Korean thought. In addition, Jeongeup is an area wherein many works were recorded for the first time in literary history. This is the case with Jeongeupsa as a style of Baekje songs and the lyrics of the noble families of the Joseon Dynasty, Sangchungok. Jeongeup is likewise the location where Choi Chi-won (857~?) was selected to serve as a local taesu (viceroy) and where a unique tradition of music and style were passed down. In this paper, the relationship between Choi Chi-won's role in the process of establishing a silent Confucian academy in Jeongeup and the emergence of scholar culture was examined. When Choi Chi-won left after his term in office, a birth shrine called Taesansa Temple was built to repay the selection of the villagers, and it became the source that led to the opening of the Confucian academy Museongseowon in the future. Jeongeup will be shown to be the location where Choi Chi-won realized his aspirations and honed his capabilities. In particular, Choi Chi-won's played a crucial role in the mid-Joseon Dynasty by supporting the construction and securing the name of Museongseowon. That is why Choi Chi-won was able to be revived as a symbolic figure in the region. In addition, it can be seen that the shape of Choi Chi-won was more sedentary- in the form of a Confucian scholar- and Confucian scholars emphasized the transfer of portraits at Museongseowon. Through the poetry written by Choi Chi-won, readers can learn about the worries and perceptions of scholars during those times. Although his value in the field of poetry is diverse, he can especially be recognized as a Confucian intellectual. In a large number of his works, he expresses his anxiety, agony, and critical inner consciousness all of which came from his encounter with the realities of his time. In fact, Choi Chi-won showed his qualities as a prominent literary figure of his time who had extraordinary aspirations and an admirable work ethic. However, he failed to overcome his regional and mental alienation as a poet in neighboring countries. Therefore, he internalized a sort of fierceness in terms of his perception of the world. However, it seems that it was rather a factor that made his work exhibit a strong lyrical style. In addition, Choi Chi-won's collection of writings includes a number of works that strongly criticized various forms of pathological phenomena caused by terminal phenomena of the time. He also highlighted the wrong in society by realistically depicting the lives poor and needy people and their eventual sacrifice via distorted relationships. This can be read encapsulating the agony of intellectuals of that time. The dictionary definition of a 'Confucian scholar' is "a Confucian term referring to a person or class that embodies Confucian ideology," and in its contemporary meaning it suggests " ⋯ an example of a personality, but not an identity, and the conscience of one's time period as a source of human morality inwardly and social order outwardly." In this respect, it could even be said that Choi Chi-won could be considered the originator of scholar culture.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.145-172
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• 2021

Shin Myung-soon's is based on the taboo 'bombing of the Han River Bridge'. The reality of the bombing of the Han River Bridge in 1950 and the shooting of Colonel Choi Chang-sik was known only as a word of mouth. At that time, the ruling class did not want to reveal the painful mistakes of the unfavorable war situation in the early days of the war and the false broadcasting of the president. The truth of the case, which was kept completely secret even to the bereaved family, could only be revealed after the regime change. After that, the bereaved family of Colonel Choi Chang-sik confirmed the innocence of the deceased through a request for retrial, and then the was born. However, the fate of was not so smooth. At the time, the performance officials vividly remember the difficulties they had with the text. Despite passing the pre-screening of the script, the performance was canceled just before the performance. The fact that the National Theater, officials from the Ministry of Culture and Education, and even military generals visited the practice room to stop the performance, on the contrary, was a testimony to the dangers of . It can be summarized as a crack in official history and a move to stop it. was later adapted into a special TV drama in 1981 and was first released to the public. This was a very meaningful step in terms of dealing with politically sensitive subjects on television, but the inconsistency of in the first place has largely disappeared. After that, in 1988, only after democracy entered the phase of appeasement, could be performed in its full form. In short, can be said to be an example of a process in which the history of the Korean War recorded from the standpoint of an established order and the counter-memory that crack it up are transformed according to the changes of the times and media.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.349-392
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• 2019

In the 1960s of Korea, the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan led to a sense of a vigorous anxiety and fear that "Japan will once again come to the Korean peninsula". As a reaction to this, the discourse on the criticism of 'Japanese Style' strongly emerged. If the prior discourse of criticism was to express the national antipathy toward the colonial remnants that had not yet been disposed of, the critical discourse of the 1960s was the wariness of the newly created 'Japanese Style' in popular culture, and to grasp it as a symptomatic phenomenon that 'evil-minded Japan' was revealed. Thus, this new logic of criticism of the 'Japanese Style' had a qualitative difference from the existing ones. It was accompanied by a willingness to inspect and censor the 'masses' that grew up as consumers of transnational 'mass culture' that flowed and chained in the geopolitical order under the Cold War system. Therefore, the topology of 'popular things=Japanese things=consuming things' reveals the paradox of moral demands that existed within Korean society in the 1960s. This was to solidify the divisive circulation structure that caused them to avoid direct contact with the other called 'Japan', but at the same time, get as close to it as ever. It is a repetitive obsession that pushes the other to another side through the moral segregation that strictly draws a line of demarcation between oneself and the other, but on the other hand is attracted to the object and pulls it back to its side. This paper intends to listen to the different voices that have arisen in the repetitive obsession to understand the significance of the dissonance that has been repeated in the contemporary era. This will be an examination of the paradoxical object of Japan that has been repeatedly asked to build the internal control principle of Korean society, or to hide the oppressive and violent side of the power, and that can neither be accepted nor destroyed completely as part of oneself.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.27-48
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• 2011

The Chinese counterfeits has begun to gain great attention recently because of the drastic increase in its volume. The consumption of counterfeit harms to manufacturer who spend millions of dollars to create and develop new product. The counterfeits in Chinese can cause international dispute and lower national reputation. The purpose of this study were to examine if the buyers of counterfeits tend to care more about interpersonal relationship than non-buyers among Chinese. Data were gathered by surveying Chinese consumer living in Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou metropolitan area using convenient sampling, and 480 questionnaires were used in the statistical analysis. In analyzing data, descriptive statistics, factor analysis, structural equation modeling with AMOS were conducted. The results of this study were follows, first, attitude toward counterfeits was classified into three factors such as interpersonal relationship, perception, and involvement. It is general belief that attitudes toward counterfeits were correlated with on brand attachment, however this study show that the buyers of counterfeits tended to purchase counterfeit goods as more alternatives of genuine(original) product than non-buyers. Perhaps, the buyers of counterfeits tended to have lower consumer ethics than non-buyers because they value counterfeit high. It is generally accepted that both a producer and a buyer violate the laws, but they are rather generous for buyer. The results of this study suggest consumers' attitude towards counterfeit need to be changed, following consumer education and strict law enforcement. Based on these results, global brand marketing strategies for luxury goods were suggested.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.4
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• pp.21-29
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• 2023

The Northern Song Dynasty, the heyday of cultural and artistic achievements, brought significant changes to the history of gardens in China. The developments and contemplations that had evolved during the previous Tang Dynasty became intertwined with literature, painting, and art, leading to garden being perceived as works of art. In particular, the emergence of Su Shi(蘇軾) that permeated literature and art during the Northern Song Dynasty, had an impact beyond individual garden creation, influencing the development of public gardens and the diversification of garden. His long exile periods served as an opportunity to understand and reflect the local culture and characteristics, influencing the development of the garden. This study focuses on the ideology of Su Shi(蘇軾) that managed various gardens, examining the relationship between his exlie life and ideology. To do so, the study examines the form of the literati's gardens managed by Su Shi(蘇軾), with a particular emphasis on the Baiheju(白鶴居) garden in Huizhou, revealing the following characteristics and values. First, Su Shi(蘇軾), who was proficient in the Three Houses: Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, combined his philosophy and unique perspective techniques with the location and composition elements of Baiheju(白鶴居) to enjoy the landscape. Although the ancient residence has a simple form, it possesses expansiveness through the combination of internal and external views. The interior is designed to be perceived as a single space, but it allows overlapping experiences of space and simultaneous appreciation of different sceneries. On the other hand, the spatial layout incorporates a hierarchical order to establish a sense of order. Second, the garden reflects the local characteristics, featuring numerous tropical plants and presenting vibrant and contrasting colors with structures. The planting forms embrace the concept of "huosei seikou" (活色生香) to enhance the color harmoniously. Additionally, the garden incorporates the poet's spiritual world, projecting it onto the garden as a contemplative place for spiritual nourishment and exploration of the ideal realm. For the pursuit of serenity and profound contemplation, the selected plantings are simple yet distinctive, providing rhythm and depth to the garden space. Third, Baiheju(白鶴居) has undergone changes over the years, but fundamentally, the form and elements of the garden shaped by Su Shi(蘇軾)'s descendants persist, confirming its heritage value.