• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.15 no.6
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• pp.736-751
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• 2009

China is in the process of carrying out socialist planned economic system and capitalist market economic system along with its reforms and opening. In the process, the problem of poverty is surfacing along with the commercialization of housing. In this study, we've analyzed China's social security system through literature at home and abroad based on the concept of place poverty, and have pointed out the characteristics and problems of Chinese urban housing reform centered around what we've identified. Furthermore, we've divided up China into 8 zones, and have examine the characteristic of each area by population & social index, economic index, and housing index. As a result of analysis, the process of urban housing reform had an effect on housing poverty, and appeared to have different characteristics by zone. In this study, since China's situation by area is very diverse, it presents a point that we must approach with not a monistic method but a pluralistic method regarding housing policy.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.183-216
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• 2011

이 글은 잠재적 이주노동자들이 거버넌스에 중요성을 부여하는 정도가 이주의도가 없는 경우와 비교하여 어떻게 다른지를 필리핀의 자료를 이용하여 분석한 연구이다. 2011년 기준으로 전 세계 인구의 3.2퍼센트가 국제이주자이며 이들이 본국에 보내는 노동송금은 4천 4백억 달러에 달한다. 기존연구에서 파악하듯 세계인구이동의 대부분을 차지하는 노동이주의 주요 결정요인은 출신국과 이주대상국의 소득격차, 기존 이주 네트워크, 이주대상국의 이주정책 등을 포함한 경제적 요인들이다. 그러나 대규모 송출국들이 대부분 경제적 저발전과 취약한 정부(ineffective government)의 구조적인 문제를 함께 가지고 있다는 점에 착안한다면 비록 경제적 고려가 우선시 되는 노동이주에 있어서도 잠재적 이주자들이 "정치적" 으로 여타의 사회와 구분되는 특수한 정치적 태도를 가질 수 있다고 생각할 수 있다. 이주자들의 정치적 태도를 올바르게 이해하는 것은 노동이주가 송출국에 미치는 정치적 영향을 분석하는 데 있어 매우 중요하다. 해당 이주자들의 부재와 이들이 본국으로 보내는 노동송금이 송출국 정치에 영향을 미칠 수 있는데 그 영향의 방향은 이주자의 기본적인 정치적 관심과 의제에 따라 달라질 것이기 때문이다. 이러한 배경에서 이 글은 다음과 같은 연구 질문에 답하고자 한다. 첫째, 이주노동의사가 있는 시민들이 취약한 정부능력에 대한 염려가 그렇지 않은 경우보다 높은가? 둘째, 이러한 관계가 성립된다면 그 관계는 민주주의에 대한 지지를 저해하는가? 이 연구는 2002년과 2003년 필리핀에서 실시된 전국적 설문조사인 Social Weather Survey 자료와 2008년 및 2009 년 필리핀 현지조사에서 수집한 인터뷰와 2차 자료를 근거로, 정부능력에 대한 평가와 이주노동의사의 관계를 분석하였다. 연구결과, 기존 연구가 제시하는 통제변인들을 감안하더라도 효과적인 정부운영이 필리핀이 당면한 가장 중요한 과제라고 생각할수록 해외로 취업할 것을 고려할 가능성이 높은 것으로 나타났다. 또한 다행히도 이러한 태도가 민주주의에 대한 원칙적인 지지에는 영향을 미치지 않는 것으로 드러났다. 그러나 효과적인 정부에 대한 관심이 이주노동을 고려하는 시민들에게 높다는 사실은 장기적으로 이들이 해외로 이주할 경우 정부개혁을 요구하고 추진할 국내적 정치적 기반이 줄어들 수 있다는 부정적 함의를 가지기도 한다.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.41 no.3
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• pp.177-198
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• 2016

China has retained economic growth rate of average 9% for more than ten years recently after China introduced capitalistic market economy system in 1979 by Deng Xiaoping. China has attracted foreign direct investment for a long time because it has retained very high economic growth rate, low labor cost, and various policies for foreign investors. This paper tries to analyse the determinants of foreign direct investment inflow after reform-opening of China with empirical analysis methods utilizing each province·city's specific characteristics by using the panel data from 1985 to 2013. For the empirical analysis we use random effect model, fixed effect model, pooled OLS, and random coefficient model. The results by pooled OLS and random coefficient model are presented for the comparison with the main results in the process of research. The research shows the results by fixed effect model are better than those by random effect model after doing Hausman's test. The results shows that GRDP, capital stock, and telecommunication exert a positive relationship with foreign direct investment, while express way variable exerts a negative one. China's education level surprisingly does not attract foreign direct investment even though it is not at a critical level. Therefore, the Chinese government should try to increase national income level as it symbolizes market size; encourage domestic investment; and construct high quality telecommunication infrastructure.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.431-444
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• 2023

Purpose - This study applies the traditional Structure-Conduct-Performance (SCP) model from industrial organization theory to investigate the relationship between market structure and performance in China's banking industry. Design/methodology/approach - For analysis, financial data from the People's Bank of China's "China Financial Stability Report" and financial reports of 6 state-owned banks and 11 joint-stock banks for the period 2010 to 2021 were collected to create a balanced panel dataset. The study employs panel fixed-effects regression analysis to assess the impact of changes in market structure and ownership structure on performance variables including return on asset, profitability, costs, and non-performing loan ratios. Findings - Empirical findings highlight significant differences in the effects of market structure between state-owned and joint-stock banks. Notably, increased market competition positively correlates with higher profits for state-owned banks and with lower costs for joint-stock banks. Research implications or Originality - State-owned banks demonstrate larger scale and stability, yet they struggle to respond effectively to market shifts. Conversely, joint-stock banks face challenges in raising profitability against competitive pressures. Additionally, the study emphasizes the importance for Chinese banks to strengthen risk management due to the increase of non-performing loans with competition. The results provide insights into reform policies for Chinese banks regarding the involvement of private sector in the context of market liberalization process in China.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.153-195
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• 2010

The recent global financial crisis has been the outcome of, among other things, the mismatch between institutions and the reality of the market in the current global financial system. The International financial institutions (IFIs) that were designed more than 60 years ago can no longer effectively meet the challenges posed by the current global economy. While the global financial market has become integrated like a single market, there is no international lender of last resort or global regulatory body. There also has been a rapid shift in the weight of economic power. The share of the Group of 7 (G7) countries in global gross domestic product (GDP) fell and the share of emerging market economies increased rapidly. Therefore, the tasks facing us today are: (i) to reform the IFIs -mandate, resources, management, and governance structure; (ii) to reform the system such as the international monetary system (IMS), and regulatory framework of the global financial system; and (iii) to reform global economic governance. The main focus of this paper will be the IMS reform and the role of the Group of Twenty (G20) summit meetings. The current IMS problems can be summarized as follows. First, the demand for foreign reserve accumulation has been increasing despite the movement from fixed exchange rate regimes to floating rate regimes some 40 years ago. Second, this increasing demand for foreign reserves has been concentrated in US dollar assets, especially public securities. Third, as the IMS relies too heavily on the supply of currency issued by a center country (the US), it gives an exorbitant privilege to this country, which can issue Treasury bills at the lowest possible interest rate in the international capital market. Fourth, as a related problem, the global financial system depends too heavily on the center country's ability to maintain the stability of the value of its currency and strength of its own financial system. Fifth, international capital flows have been distorted in the current IMS, from EMEs and developing countries where the productivity of capital investment is higher, to advanced economies, especially the US, where the return to capital investment is lower. Given these problems, there have been various proposals to reform the current IMS. They can be grouped into two: demand-side and supply-side reform. The key in the former is how to reduce the widespread strong demand for foreign reserve holdings among EMEs. There have been several proposals to reduce the self-insurance motivation. They include third-party insurance and the expansion of the opportunity to borrow from a global and regional reserve pool, or access to global lender of last resort (or something similar). However, the first option would be too costly. That leads us to the second option - building a stronger globalfinancial safety net. Discussions on supply-side reform of the IMS focus on how to diversify the supply of international reserve currency. The proposals include moving to a multiple currency system; increased allocation and wider use of special drawing rights (SDR); and creating a new global reserve currency. A key question is whether diversification should be encouraged among suitable existing currencies, or if it should be sought more with global reserve assets, acting as a complement or even substitute to existing ones. Each proposal has its pros and cons; they also face trade-offs between desirability and political feasibility. The transition would require close collaboration among the major players. This should include efforts at the least to strengthen policy coordination and collaboration among the major economies, and to reform the IMF to make it a more effective institution for bilateral and multilateral surveillance and as an international lender of last resort. The success on both fronts depends heavily on global economic governance reform and the role of the G20. The challenge is how to make the G20 effective. Without institutional innovations within the G20, there is a high risk that its summits will follow the path of previous summit meetings, such as G7/G8.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.55-79
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• 2009

This papers studies the causalities and effects on the relationship between international trade and economic growth in China for the period of 1950-2007, using the unit root test, the Granger causality test, the cointegration test, VAR model, and VECM. The results of this study are as follows: Firstly, in the unit root test, I found that each time series was unstable one that has unit root. Secondly, in the Granger Causality test, this papers shows that variable dlexp and dlinp influence on dlgdp and dlgdd, while bilateral causality relation between dlexp and dlgdp, dlexp and dlgdd for the whole period, for the whole period, pre-reform period and post-reform period. Thirdly, there is no cointegraion relation between lgdp(or dlgdp, lgdd, dlgdd) and lexp, linp for lgdd-limp in the whole period, and pre-reform period, while no cointegration relation for the post-reform period. Finally, in the impulse-response test, it was proved that lgdp represents (-) correlation with lexp for the whole period. Thorough the variance decomposition test, it was proved that linp(or dlinp) is the most affected variable of the each data and relation between linp(or dlinp) and lexp(or dlexp) has become bigger recently.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.66 no.3
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• pp.231-251
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• 2014

Recently, Korean government documented the plan to cope with the situation related to rich pensioners of Basic old-age pension. The purpose of this paper is to verify that how many rich pensioners are existing and to evaluate government reform plan's validity and effect. Main results are as follows; firstly, if the definition of rich pensioners is on the top 10%, the proportion of them would form 2.9% of total. And then, an amount of expenditure for them is only 2.6% of total. Secondly, in terms of disposable income, debt, and transfer income from child, the household who would be applied by government's plan is not richer than other household who is in the same living standard. And then, if the government's plan enforced, the effect might be very small. Lastly, the plan of government will discriminate against persons who support their parent. As a result, Basic old-age pension will be worsen. This paper should underline that the government's reform is only the 'hidden' retrenchment strategy in order to introduce a standard of the obligation to support own parent in the state without scientific prediction and serious discussion of negative public opinion. That is why, this is the same as the 'Trojan Horse'.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.558-576
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• 1996

Since 1978. China has progressed her reforms of her economy. In this process, refroms in rual area have been operated with top priority. The system of collective economy had been changed into that of private economy. Rural farming and land-use system had been changed also. The household responsibility system took the place of a People's Commune. That was the system that could inspire farm-household with a will to work, and hence, increase the productivity of agriculture. However, with the developement of market mechanism in the later 1980s, that system got inadequate to new situation. For instance, incentives of a will to work slowly decreased, agricultural productivity did not increase, and labor forces were tremendously transferred to non-agricultural sector. This situation created the demand for a new system of rural land policy and use. This paper intends to describe changes of new system of land use in rual China. Those changes are as follows. 1. The system of land-circulation has been spread widely. 2. 'Liangtianzhi' (the system of two kind land-use) divided the land into two kinds, 'kouliangtian' (the land of food) and 'zerentian' (the land of obligation). The one is allocated in proportion to the per capita, and to support farm-household' and function, the other is allocated in proportion to the labor force, in order to increase the commercial function of land. 4. 'Guimojingying' (management of scale): For overcomint the disadvantage of dispersal of land, the relative concentration of land was required. 4. 'Gufenzhi' (a joint-stock system) is practised for the purpose of establishing clear-cut lines of land ownership. 5. 'Sihuangpaimai' (auction the use right of four kinds of wasteland) is for full-using of the wasteland. It can be apprehended that these systems and policies were the process of adaption to market mechanism. In these, rural China could escape form the disorder due to rapid changes, and overcome the existing contradiction.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.53
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• pp.129-153
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• 2003

This study examines the socio-economic impacts of recent welfare reform in the United States. Based on the neo-conservative critique to the traditional public assistance system for low-income families, the 1996 welfare reform has given greater emphases on reducing welfare dependency and increasing work effort and self-sufficiency among welfare recipients. In particular, the welfare reform legislation instituted 60-month lifetime limits on cash assistance, expanded mandatory work requirements, and placed financial penalties for noncompliance. With the well-timed economic boom in the second half of the 1990s, the welfare reform seems to achieve considerable progress; welfare caseload has declined sharply to reach less than 50% of its 1994 peak, single mothers' labor force participation has increased substantially, and child poverty has decreased. In spite of these good signals, the welfare reform also has several potential problems. Many welfare leavers participate in the labor market, but not all (or most) of them. The economic well being of working welfare leavers did not increased significantly, because earnings increase was canceled out by parallel decrease in welfare benefits. Furthermore, most of working welfare leavers are employed in jobs with poor employment stability and low wages, making them highly vulnerable to frequent layoff, long-time joblessness, persistent poverty, and welfare recidivism. Another serious problem of the welfare reform is that a substantial number of welfare recipients are faced with extreme difficulties in finding jobs, because they have severe barriers to employment. The new welfare system with 5-year time limit can severely threaten the livelihoods of these people. The welfare reform presupposes that welfare recipients can achieve self-reliance by increasing their labor market activities. However, empirical evidences suggest that many people are unable to respond to the new, work-oriented welfare strategy. It may be a very difficult task to achieve both objectives of the welfare reform((1) providing adequate income security for low-income families and (2) promoting self-sufficiency) at the same time, because sometimes they are conflicting each other. With this in mind, a possible solution can be to distinguish welfare recipients into "(Very)-Hard-to-Employ" group and "(Relatively)-Ready-to-Work" group, based on elaborate examinations of a wide range of personal conditions. For the former group, the primary objective of welfare policies should be the first one(providing income security). For the "Ready-to-Work" group, follow-up services to promote job retention and advancement, as well as skill-training and job-search services, are very important. The U. S. experiences of the welfare reform provide some useful implications for newly developing Korean public assistance policies for the able-bodied low-income population.

• Vending industry
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• v.2 no.5 s.6
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• pp.56-62
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• 2002

담배자판기의 신규설치를 금지하고 기존 설치된 자판기마저 전면철거하도록 하는 보건복지부의 초강력 규제안이 마침내 철회가 되게 되었다. 보건복지부는 올 들어 확대되는 금연정책에 편승, 기존 흡연 구역 내 담배자판기 신규설치를 금지하고, 기존 설치된 제품들마저 전면철거하는 규제를 담은 국민건강증진법 시행령 개정안을 지난 4월 공고하며 그 입법추진을 진행한 바 있다. 이 공고안은 그간 국무총리실 산하 규제개혁위원회 분과위원회에 상정되어 1,2차 심의를 진행해 오다 지난 9월 27일 본회의를 통해 '보건복지부의 흡연구역 내 담배자판기 신규설치 금지 및 기존 자판기 철거는 명백히 영업활동 자유 및 재산권 침해에 해당된다.'는 이유로 이를 철회토록 하는 결정을 진행했다. 이 결정을 담은 국민건강증진법 개정안은 조만간 법제처 심사 및 차관회의 등을 거쳐 최종 확정 되게 된다. 이같은 규제개혁위원회의 결정은 협회를 중심으로 한 산업의 적극적인 대응이 있었기에 가능했다. 성인인증장치 도입을 통해 청소년 흡연문제를 완전, 해결하겠다는 산업계의 적극적인 자율대책에도 불구하고 아예 담배자판기를 뿌리 채 뽑겠다는 보건복지부의 행정만능주의적인 발상은 도저히 수용하지 못할 부당한 처사라는 데 관련업계가 인식을 같이 했다. 따라서 이를 반대하는 산업계 입장을 분명히 하며 분명히 하며 적극적인 저지 대응을 최근까지 진행해 왔다. 협회에서는 1차적으로 보건복지부 건강증진과에 담배자판기 전면철거에 대한 산업계 반대 입장을 피력하는 소견서 제출하고 적극적인 산업계의 반대의지를 피력하는 작업을 진행했다. 또한 청소년보호위원회를 통해 청소년 흡연감소를 위한 성인인증 담배자판기 설치 활용방안 건의하며 담배자판기의 긍정적인 활용측면을 집중 부각시키기도 했다. 재정경제부를 통해서는 담배사업법 관련 담배자판기 설치기준에 대한 질의를 통해 현행 관련법 내에서의 설치기준을 명확히 하기도 했다. 이같은 대응에 있어서의 핵심 설득 논리는 담배자판기가 이제는 성인인증장치 부착을 통해 청소년 및 사회적 위해 요인을 극소화 할 수 있다는 점에 있었다. 과거와는 달리 담배자판기가 오히려 청소년의 담배 구입루트 차단이라는 긍정적 역할을 할 수 있는 시점에 있어 이를 전면규제하기보다는 합법적인 설치 환경을 확보하여 사회적으로 떳떳하게 존재가치를 평가받을 수 있게 해달라는게 산업계의 초지일관의 주장이었던 것. 협회는 이같은 주장이 결코 산업계의 이기만이 아니라 세계적인 추세라는 점, 또 담배자판기를 전면철거까지 하면서 과당규제를 할 명분이 부족하다는 점을 반대논리로 적극 내세웠다. 규제개혁위원회가 이번 공공 이용시설 중 흡연구역으로 지정된 장소 내에 담배자판기는 설치 금지 및 철거규제에 철회권고를 내리게 된 것은 이러한 산업계의 주장을 적극 수용함에 힘입은 바 크다. 규제개혁위원회는 이번 결정의 주된 이유로 우선 기설치된 자판기에 대한 철거는 재산권 침해로 위헌 소지가 있음을 들고 있다. 또한 흡연자를 위한 흡연구역내에서마저 자판기 설치를 금지하는 등의 규제는 과도하며 흡연자의 권익보호 역시도 필요함을 인정하고 있다. 따라서 전면적인 규제보다는 청소년 이용통제 가능한 흡연구역에 한하여 담배자판기를 설치토록한 현행규정의 실질적 관리를 강화하며, 전체적으로 흡연구역을 축소 제한하는 방향으로 추진함이 바람직하다는 의견을 제시했다. 규제개혁위원회의 이번 결정으로 흡연구역 내 담배자판기의 설치는 현행법의 적용을 받게 되며, 산업계의 자율대책대로 성인인증 장치를 부착한 담배자판기의 설치 확대가 크게 촉발될 수 있을 것으로 기대된다. 담배자판기가 적극적이고 능동적인 사회적 역할을 할 수 있을 때 자연 이를 반대할 수 있는 명분도 약해질 수 밖에 없다. 산업계는 보다 신뢰성 있게 청소년 이용을 차단할 수 있는 담배자판기 관련 기술 수준을 향상시켜야 할 것이며, 협회에서는 담배자판기의 공공성과 역할에 대한 지속적인 계몽 홍보를 통해 소비자 인식을 고양시켜 나갈 수 있게 해야 할 것이다. 비록 전면 규제 완화가 어렵고 힘든 길이기는 하지만 소비자에게 신뢰성을 부여하고 청소년의 담배 구입 루트 차단에 혁혁한 역할을 다할 수 있게 된다면 그 입지기반을 재평가 받을 수 있게 될 것이다. 담배자판기의 내일은 이제 암울함이 아닌 서서히 희망을 비치는 쪽으로 급선회되고 있다.