• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.313-342
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• 2018

Gubong Song Ik-pil could not behave according to his aspiration directly due to restrictions in his social standing. Despite that, he actually did so indirectly through either close friends or younger students by exhibiting 'cheobyeonwigwon (處變爲權) with the goal of jichijuui (至治主義). He insisted on people-oriented politics grounded on cheonmyeongsasang (天命思想) and also suggested the humbleness of the royal family and jinhyulchaek (賑恤策) based on love of the people. In addition, he promoted public welfare and stability to enhance patriotism and also insisted on the policy of strengthening national defense with seoeolgongsacheon (庶?公私賤)'s provision of military service through the enforcement of yangcheonjongbujongmobeop (良賤從父從母法). Also, according to the letter sent to Lee San-bo, he suggested public service ethics, for instance, personally, getting rid of ulterior motives, exhibiting diligence, integrity, and wisdom, and doing one's utmost to handle tasks fairly without causing any problems and externally, being actively involved in managing and utilizing persons of ability and also relieving the poor and managing masters as well. In brief, we can assume that Song Ik-pil's thought of statecraft (經世思想) is the concrete methodology to reach the politics of kingcraft called 'jichi (至治)' by stabilizing public welfare grounded on benevolent and benign administration. He is often compared to Jegalryang on account of his innate qualities and cleverness. He was equipped with the excellent capacity of gyeongse even referred to as the moju (謀主) of four persons, Yi Yi, Seong Hon, Jeong Cheol, and Lee Gwi, and harshly criticized as a slick evil (奸鬼), too. His gyeongsesasang, however, ended up being incomplete due to restrictions in his social status. He was a person who loved the people more than anyone else, kept suggesting innovative reform plans to stabilize the people's lives, and was capable of practicing them all. His ideal of jichi was left unfulfilled, however.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.35
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• pp.135-159
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• 2009

Since the military servants' rebellion, the society of the Goryeo(高麗) dynasty had been getting into crisis worse and worse until late in it. Late in the 14th century, the society was constantly meeting tension and chaos including decline of the Yuan(元) dynasty, sudden rise of the Ming(明) dynasty and etc. This study is aimed to investigate the idea of justice and theory of governing advocated by Yaeun Jeon Nok Saeng, who lived in such tensed and chaotic era. Under the circumstance that threatened the national power of the Goryeo dynasty in the era where the Yuan dynasty changed to Ming dynasty, his idea of justice was expressed as "Theory for Friendship with Ming and Against Yuan", which was proposed in the aspect of considering the safety and maintenance of the nation and getting back the original national power of a country Goryeo. He thought that you should not make your people bothered by or troubled in their works but you should make them concentrate on their jobs for living to govern them eased. He emphasized that you should focus on stability of people's welfare in gentle ways not bothering your people even a little bit because he thought that the situation of that era looked like a thread bobbin so that it could get naturally and easily twisted if you went in hurry.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.279-304
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• 2008

This paper draws out the contents related to "Yuk(易)" Silhak(實學), and discusses the tendency in order to review the ideas shown in Wandang's Seodok(書牘). Also, it studies Taoism expressed in Seodok in terms of figuring out Wandang's Taoism. The features of his thoughts are following. The first one is the use of "Yuk(易)" for Soogichiin(修己治人). What he considered most important was Eumsiknamnyu(飮食男女) linked directly to the people's life. He maintained that a country must be ruled by doing Soogi(修己) with "Yuk(易)" and by making use of "Yuk(易)". The next one is both a view of Gyungsechiyong(經世致用) of Dongseoboolboon(東西不分) and a natural view of Iyonghooseng(利用厚生), standing on Silsagusi(實事求是). He actively accepted new learning and concepts those days, and he asserted that Western techniques should be even imitated for the sake of the nation. Thirdly, his view of Moowi(無爲) and Boolun(不言). He didn't use to do any Jakwi(作爲) of Jeosool(著述). This kind of view seems to save his life and be connected to Yangshin(養身) even though others tried to keep a jealous eye on and entrap him. Last, his concept of Jayeonsooneung(自然順應) and Jayeonhoigui(自然回歸). It is shown through his wish of farm work and his politics, saying that a king ought not to bind the people with faithfulness and propriety, and that he ought to rule the nation with humanity. In sum, Wandang's ideas shown in Seodok can be divided into two streams. One is Boshin(保身) through Moowijayeon(無爲自然), Boolun(不言), and Jayeonhoigui(自然回歸). The other is a pursuit of his studies for the purpose of Dukchi(德治) followed by Soogichiin, Kyongsechiyong, Iyonghooseng, and Injung. Here, since Boshin can be said to be advanced Soogi, and Soogichiin and others are connected directly to people's comfortable life, they can be integrated to Soogiianbaeksung(修己以安百姓). In other words, his thoughts were based on the fusion of Confucianism and Taoism, and he aimed at Soogiianbaeksung by accepting and using to take a look at the change of period and learning.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.105
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• pp.149-192
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• 2008

추파(秋坡) 송기수(宋麒壽)(1507-1582)는 500년 전에 출생하여 조선시대 중종, 인조, 명종, 선조의 4대에 걸친 75세를 일기로 생존했던 재조(在朝)의 선비로서 행정가요, 또한 학인이었다. 추파는 기묘사화의 참상을 직접 목도하고 본의 아니게 위훈이 하사되어 평생 마음의 질곡이 되었고, 또한 소위 양재역 벽서사건에 연루된 종형 규암(圭菴) 송인수(宋麟壽)를 구명(救命)하지 못한 그의 처신이 또한 역사 속에서 오해의 사단(事端)으로서 추파에게 큰 굴레로 작용되었다. 추파의 현실인식은, 사화로 사림이 사기저상되었고, 그로 인해서 치도와 강상이 붕괴되었으며, 재해가 출현하고, 민심의 흐트러짐이 모두 천명의 노여움으로 본 동시에, 그 처방을 요순지치인 치도(治道)를 확립할 것, 선진 성학으로서 학문을 진흥할 것과 그 실천 주체인 선비의 기상을 진작시킬 것에서 찾았던 것이다. 추파의 성리설은 이기관계론을 부상리(不相離)라는 주제만을 채택하여 존재론적으로 접근하였고, 그 결과 율곡보다 훨씬 앞서 '리기지묘(理氣之妙)'라는 표현을 쓰면서 리발(理發)보다는 발어리(發於理)라는 말에 무게중심을 둠으로서 기발을 중심으로 말한 "기발어리설(氣發於理說)"을 제시하였다. 이것은 바로 그 뜻으로서의 천리(天理)를 밝혀 기(氣)로 발하는 구체적인 삶 속에 구현 하는 실천하는 길이 되는 것이다. 궁극적으로 추파의 학문은 바로 천리(天理)를 깨달아 실천궁행하여 가는 길로서 삶의 목표로 삼은 점이 특징적인 것이다. 즉 추파에 있어서 학문의 길은 리(理)의 본래적 뜻을 깨닫고 리(理)의 뜻을 심성의지(心性意志)를 통해서 구현하는 길인, 리(理)로 부터 발한 기발(氣發)을 몸소 역행실천(力行實踐)하는 길인 것이다. 이 길을 실제로 자신의 사명과 직결된 삶의 바른 길로 삼았던 것이다. 요컨대 추파의 학문사상의 궁극적 특징은 역행궁리(力行窮理)의 실천학에 있는 것이며, 따라서 결론적으로 사사(事事)(실사(實事))구시정신(求是精神)에 입각한 실천철학만이 그의 학문의 궁극적인 목적지가 되었던 것이다. 현실정치의 민생문제도, 역사적 이념으로서 선비정신 부양과 벽이단도 모두 이 사사구시(事事求是)의 시(是)를 통해야 되고, 이 시(是)를 통해서 구현하는 길이 추파학문사상의 궁극처인 것이다. 그리고 그의 언설과 삶 자체가 실사구시의 실천 그 자체 이었던 것이다. 학문사상사적으로 본다면 추파의 위상은 근본유학의 정신을 살려 그를 근간으로 하여, 한국 성리학의 개화기(開花期)에 새로운 개념으로서 이 기관계를 '리기지묘(理氣之妙)'라든가 발(發)의 근거를 리(理)에 두되 리(理)가 직접 발하는 것이 아니라, 발(發)하는 것은 기(氣)라는 '기발어리(氣發於理)'의 한길만을 중시한 점으로서 이기설의 새로운 문제를 제기한 점이라 할 수 있으며, 궁극적으로 기발론적(氣發論的)인 바탕에서 실천역행의 근거를 확립하게 됐다는 특징을 볼 수 있는 점이다. 또한 이것은 한국성리학의 기발일도라는 기발설의 선구적 주장이며, 또한 이(理)를 근거로 결국 사사구시(事事求是)의 경세실학(經世實學)을 제시함으로서 실학의 선구가 될 만한 문제제기(問題提起)를 했다고 평가할 만한 특징이라 하겠다. 이 연구가 그의 마음속에 얹혀져있던 멍에도, 그간 오해받은 역사적인 멍에도 벗겨질 수 있고, 한국철학사상장성기(韓國哲學思想長成期)(국유사상주류기(國儒思想主流期))의 학술사적인 위상도 바르게 드러나는 계기가 될 수 있기를 기대한다.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.41
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• pp.71-92
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• 2014

A series of the tragic 16th-century Sahwas sent Toegye into the depths of despair. In the face of the ensuing social disruption in which any criterion or direction is utterly lost, he could not but to reexamine the problem of human nature and good and evil. For Toegye, criterion or direction is connected with Principle, and human nature and the problem of good and evil are related with Mind. In other words, these problems are none other than the question: "As the subject of history and society, how a human being can set principle in a real world and realize it? How one can successfully control his wants and feelings with his rationality?" Toegye proposes that while laws and regulations should be reformed when they are outdated, good laws and regulations are not necessarily to be discarded. He also warns that ideal governance is not likely to be realized if only too conservatives take the lead while radicals, depended upon exclusively, would create too many problems.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.161-169
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• 2002

The traditional methodology of Korean regional studies had been shifted by geographic thoughts and philosophy as follows; Environmentalism or Environmental determinism stemming from geomancy were dominant methodology in the Korea era. An idiographic approach was introduced based on the encyclopedic description of geographic factors of villages for the centeralization of power in the Chosun era. A systematic geography that pursues scientific laws of regional differences which results from the interactions of human and nature had emerged through field works of some practical school in the later Chosun era.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.97-137
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• 2018

This paper analyzes the thesis classification of the "Korean Philosophy Journal" and the subject and characteristics of two representative scholars of the Research Society in commemoration of the 30th anniversary of the establishment of the 'Korean Philosophy History Research Society'. The "Korean Philosophy Journal" was published from the 1st edition in 1991 to the 55th edition until November, 2017, and introduced a total of 582 papers. In the meantime, the 'Korean Philosophy History Research Society' became a registered place after being nominated by the Korea Research Foundation. Among the 582 chapters, 297 papers deal directly with Korean philosophy, and 174 papers on Chinese philosophy. Among the Korean philosophical theses, the most popular one was the 198th issue, and the Chinese philosophical thesis was the most popular with the subject of theology. Among the Korean philosophers, Chung Yak - Yong and Chinese philosophers Chu Shi were the most studied. Among the writers who participated in the "Korean Philosophy Journal", 203 were all of them. Among them, Lee Sang Ik published the most articles with 28, and Choi Young Sung was the second with 23. Based on Lee Sang Ik 's thesis 28, Lee Sang Ik is a well - known neo - Confucianism scholar. His research is based on the theory of neo - Confucianism and the theory of secularism. On the one hand, he establishes his own moral theories and criticizes other moral theories. On the other hand he establishes his own governing theory and criticizes other governing theories. And theoretical proposals on various problems in modern society Based on Choi Young Sung 's thesis, 23, Choi Young Sung is the best researcher in the field of studying in Korea. His research focuses on correcting mistaken perceptions and descriptions in the history of study abroad in Korea, and developing the undeveloped parts. In addition, I am looking for a new perspective on the history of studying in Korea. In addition, he has been studying the philosophical thought of Choi Chih Won in order to establish a philosophical foundation for approaching the history of thought rather than just the study of the history of thought. The "Korean Philosophy Journal" has been advanced in quantity and quality, and has developed quantitatively and qualitatively. Revitalization of the SungKyunKwan university Korean Philosophy Department is indispensable for the continuous development of "Korean Philosophy Journal" and 'Korean Philosophy History Study Society' and to create excellent scholars.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.151-181
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• 2018

This thesis is composed mainly of Wang Pang王?'s Nan Hua Zhen Jing Xin Zhuan南華眞經新傳 interpretation. I have focused on four chapter of Wang Pang王?'s Nan Hua Zhen Jing Xin Zhuan南華眞經新傳. The four chapters are just Xioa Yao You逍遙遊 and Qi Wu Lun齊物論 and Yang Sheng Zhu養生主 and Ren Jian Shi人間世. In the first chapter, I pointed out the errors and ambiguous topic setting of Japanese research papers. As a result of reading and analyzing these chapters, I have come to the conclusion that it is a fusion of Zhuang Zhi莊子 reading. This is the content of the second chapter. And in the third chapter, I pointed out that his the interpretation of Ideal personality in Zhuang Zhi is not a spiritual being but the supreme power of reality. As above, he interpreted the Zhuang Zhi from a mixed viewpoint and attempted to read the Zhuang Zhi again from a Confucian point of view.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.159-187
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• 2008

This article aims to investigate the change of theories of reading and its historical meaning in the later Joseon period. Three scholar who left major theories of reading are mainly analyzed for the sake of it. Park, Se-chae(1631-1695) was a Neo-Confucianist who had the theory of reading named Dokseo-Gungliron(讀書窮理論). It was totally based on the scheme of Neo-Confucianist instruction and concentrated on mastering the moral principles with relishing the sentences of the Confucian Canons. Jeong, Yak-yong(1762-1836) was a Practical learning scholar and then criticized the moral-centric theory of reading of Neo-Confucianism. He valued much of the Confucian Canons but also focused on erudite reading so as to enlarge practical knowledge. Hong, Gil-ju(1786-1841) was a stylist and presented a severe criticism against Neo-Confucianist theory of reading as much. He thought that what we could realize with reading are the principles of the individual, not of the whole. The change of theories of reading in the later Joseon period as above reveals us the fact that the intellectual history of that period was in the process of dynamical change.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.1-34
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• 2020

It has been suggested that Jeungsan's prophetic poem that starts with the verse "For about seven or eight years, there will be a castle in the ancient country [七八年間古國城] ⋯" originally comes from Prophecies of Jeong Gam (鄭鑑錄). Despite Jeungsan, himself, obviously having been critical of that text, this claim has become the basic grounds for discourse suggesting that Jeungsan was not only interested in Prophecies of Jeong Gam but also considerably influenced by the text. However, the claim itself was formulated due to misunderstandings of the Chinese poems that had been included in A Compilation of Secret Prophecies Hidden in the Family-clan of Seogye (西溪家臧訣). These poems pursue a different ideological orientation than the poem from Prophecies of Jeong Gam. Ultimately, the Chinese poem in the verse 84 the chapter titled, Prophetic Elucidations in The Canonical Scripture of Daesoon Jinrihoe cannot provide a basis for the claim that Jeungsan was strongly influenced by Prophecies of Jeong Gam. This claim that Prophecies of Jeong Gam made a deep impact on Jeungsan and Daesoon Thought was based on three other texts outside of those that appear within verse 84 of Prophetic Elucidations. The first supposedly-related line is: "Heaven opens at the period of the Rat (Ja 子), Earth opens at the period of the Ox (Chuk 丑), humankind starts at the period of the Tiger (Ihn 寅)." This line comes from from Shao Kangjie's Book of Supreme World Ordering Principles (皇極經世), and the line could be quoted idiomatically as an expression in the Joseon Dynasty. Accordingly, attempts to relate Daesoon Thought to Prophecies of Jeong Gam are a distortion that arise from the assumption that Jeungsan had a significant interest in Prophecies of Jeong Gam. The second related line is "At the foot of Mount Mother (母岳山), a golden icon of Buddha has the ability to speak [母岳山下 金佛能言]." That line is nearly identical to the verse "On the summit of Mount Mother, a golden icon of Buddha has the ability to speak [母岳山頭 金佛能言]." Yet, Jeungsan changed '頭 (du, the summit)' to '下 (ha, the foot or under)' and express his own unique religious prophecy. This allusion to the prophecies of Jeong Gam is actually a criticism designed to disprove the earlier prophecy. Third, is the verse, "The form of Buddhism, creation of daoism, and propriety of Confucianism [佛之形體仙之造化儒之凡節]," which is characteristically related to Daesoon Thought. This verse can only be found in the prophetic text, Prophecies of Chochang (蕉蒼訣), and it is provided a main source when alleging that Prophecies of Jeong Gam was an influence on Daesoon Thought. However, considering the context of Prophecies of Chochang and the year of its publication (it is assumed to be compiled after 1950s), this does not hold water as Jeungsan had already passed into Heaven several decades before that time. This disqualifies the verse from being a basis for asserting Prophecies of Jeong Gam as an influence on Daesoon Thought. Contrary to the original assertion, there is a considerable amount of evidence that Prophecies of Chochang absorbed aspects of Daesoon Thought, which were simply revised in a novel way. There is no truly compelling evidence underpinning the argument that Prophecies of Jeong Gam had a unilateral impact on Daesoon Thought. There seems to be a great deal of confusion and numerous misinterpretations on this matter. Therefore, the claim that Daesoon Thought, as developed by Jeungsan, was influenced by the discourse on dynastic revolution and feng shui contained in Prophecies of Jeong Gam should be re-examined at the level of its very premise.