• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.23
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• pp.241-292
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• 2014

This article as an attempt to analyze Jin-beop-joo(眞法呪, incantation of true law) and the view of Yang-wui Sangje(兩位上帝, Sangje in two Godship) corresponds to the second preliminary work prior to the research on the view of Sangje in Daesoonjinrihoe. The points of this article are as follows: First, Jin-beop-joo and 15 Godship(神位) based hereupon are one of the most essential elements comprising the view of Sangje in Daesoonjinrihoe. Since the other Jeungsan line religious orders except Daesoonjinrihoe does not use 15 Godship in explaining and understanding Jeungsan, this fact should be regarded as an important characteristic of Daesoonjinrihoe. Second, 15 Godship is the important installation to assemble Sangje and the other gods in the same place. In Buddhism temples and China-Taoism temples, the gods each are placed in a separate palace. Whereas Sangje and the gods are concentrated in the same place, Yound-Dae(靈臺) which is the shrine of Daesoonjinrihoe. This fact shows Sangje takes the reins to the gods visually. 15 Godship facilitates that system. Third, the number 15 of 15 Godship symbolizes the natural laws of the cosmos. Thus the shrine of Daesoonjinrihoe implies the law of universe emblematically. Forth, 15 Godship shows that the Highest God in Daesoonjinrihoe are located in the middle of the functional gods ruling over nature like mountain, sea, season, the Great Dipper, and Taoistic or Buddhistic gods like Ok-hwang Sangje(玉皇上帝, The Great Jade Emperor), Seoga-Yeorae(釋迦如來, Tathāgata Buddha), Kwan-seong-Jegoon(關聖帝君, Holy god Guan Yu), along with various envoys and ancestral gods. Besides, considering the fact that the majority of 15 Godship consists of the Eastern deities, it verifies the view of Sangje in Daesoonjinrihoe is built in the Eastern religions. Fifth, whereas the other Jeungsan line religious orders have a tendency of understanding Jeungsan as Ok-hwang Sangje, Daesoonjinrihoe worships Jeungsan as Gu-cheon Sangje(九天上帝), not as Ok-hwang Sangje. This accords with the following fact; Jeungsan is the highest ruling entity in Gu-cheon, whereas in Jinbeonju, which was handed down from Jeungsan, the highest ruling entitiy in Gu-cheon is expressed as a different being from Ok-hwang Sangje. Sixth, Daesoonjinrihoe understands Sangje as the form of two Godship, Yang-wui Sangje, which are Gu-cheon Sangje and Ok-hwang Sangje. Judging from the form of salutation, the status of these two Sangjes are the same. Yet, the object of belief is Gu-cheon Sangje as the highest God, while Ok-hwang Sangje is stipulated as the one who has wielded a true law succeeding to the Gu-cheon Sangje's will. The religious term of Yang-wui Sangje don't imply meaning Gu-cheon Sangje and Ok-hwang Sangje are the same rank. Yang-wui Sangje is the term expresses Sangje in two Godship and involves the orthodox heritage of Daesoonjinrihoe. Along with An Introduction to the Study of the Outlook on the Highest Ruling Entity in Daesoonjinrihoe (I), this article is written, while giving a thought to construct the religiography on the highest God in Daesoonjinrihoe. I hope this article accompanied with the previous one, can be contributed to the fertilization of the soil in the field of Daesoon religious studies.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.47
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• pp.203-239
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• 2023

Jo Jeongsan's religious activity undertaken to benefit society can be organized into two categories. First, attention can be paid to Jo Jeongsan's religious activity of establishing religious order by enshrining Kang Jeungsan as the God of Ninth Heaven and making the Great Dao of Heaven and Earth the basic idea inspiring the social activity of his order. This was completed through the 50 years of propagation work carried out by Jo Joengsan in accordance with Kang Jeungsa's purpose of saving the world and its inhabitants. Second, his practice of social work in the field of people's lives based on the idea of the Dao can also be observed. This religious activity of Jo Jeongsan which began in 1909 was the sacred manifestation of his will to realize Kang Jeungsan's purpose of saving the world and people, and it was also a practice of spreading virtue throughout the world. In addition, Park Wudang carried out Sihak and Sibeop Gongbu (two varieties of holy work) for the cultivation of Dao trainees, and those methods came from the systematic cultivation practice established by Jo Jeongsan. Regarding this, we can refer to Kang Jeungsan's saying, "As the Dao shall dwell in the 12,000 peaks of Geumgang Mountain, the same number of sages who were enlightened to the Dao will be born into the world." The perfected state of human maturity or the emergence of people who are enlightened to the Dao would be the completion of the idea of saving the world and its inhabitants. Therefore, the holy works of Sihak and Sibeop that are now being carried out can be seen as the continuance of the pursuit of saving the world and humankind, as it was continually upheld by Park Wudang's predecessors, Jo Jeongsan and Kang Jeungsan.

• Journal of Korean Dental Hygiene Science
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.1-15
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• 2024

Background: This study aims to determine the association between the number of remaining teeth and oral health-related quality of life according to economic activity status in elderly. Methods: Data from the 9th Korean Longitudinal Study of Ageing (KLoSA) were used to analyze 6,004 older adults aged 59 years and older. The number of remaining teeth was categorized as less than 20 and more than 20, and the Geriatric Oral Health Assessment Index (GOHAI) was used to measured the oral health-related quality of life of the elderly. Independent t-tests were performed to compare demographic, economic, sociodemographic, and health characteristics, as well as GOHAI scores, between economically active and inactive individuals. In the case of ANOVA analysis, Scheffe's post hoc analysis was performed to confirm statistical significance between groups. Linear regression analysis was conducted to determine the influence of the number of remaining teeth on GOHAI according to economic activity status. Results: Among the study population, 33.9% were economically active, which is approximately half the proportion of those were not economically active. The mean GOHAI scores were 43.32 and 40.15 for economically active and economically inactive individuals with 20 or more residual teeth, respectively (p<0.001). Simple linear regression analysis revealed that having more than 20 remaining teeth was associated with a statistically significant increase in GOHAI by approximately 4.56 times and 4.92 times compared to having fewer than 20 teeth for economically active and non-economically active individuals, respectively (p<0.001). Multiple linear regression analysis, adjusted for demographic, economic, sociodemographic, and health characteristics, showed that having more than 20 remaining teeth was associated with a statistically significant increase in GOHAI by approximately 3.62 and 2.97 times compared to having fewer than 20 teeth in economically active and non-economically active individuals, respectively (p<0.001). Conclusion: This study explored economic activity status as one of several approaches to enhance the oral health-related quality of life of the elderly. By using the number of remaining teeth as an indicator of oral health status. supporting economic activity could potentially improve both oral health and overall quality of life for older individuals. Such interventions may have positive effects on policy outcomes, including reducing economic inequality by promoting economic engagement among the elderly.

• Korean Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences
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• v.3 no.3
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• pp.187-198
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• 1970

The author succeeded in rearing the young blue crab from the first stage of zoe ato the true crab shape, and during this time he observed their growth and metamorphosis. The relationships between the number of eggs carried by female crabs (E) and the carapace width (C) and body weight (W) are shown as follows: E= 27.9049C-281.8155, E=0.5682 W-116.4606. There are five zoeal stages and a megalopa in the complete larval development of the blue crab. Water temperature in rearing aquaria ranged from 21.4 to $25.2^{\circ}C$. The duration of each zoeal stage was two days on the average. After the fifth moulting, the zoea becomes megalopa and 5 to 6 days later the megalopa moults and develops into the first stage of adult crab shape. The carapace width of megalopa measured about 1.70 mm and the carapace length, from the tip of the rostrum to the posterior dorsal margin of the carapace, was about 2.78 mm on the average. The carapace width and length of the first crab, 18 days after hatching, measured about 4.48 mm and 2.62 mm respectively. After two days, the first crab moulted and grew into the second crab with about 6.47 mm in carapace width and 4.66 mm in carapace length. The larval rearing in the outdoor tank shelved better results than in the indoor aquarium. The highest mortality occurred when the first stage of zoea moulted into the second stage. Percentage of crabs which survived, from the first crab to the ninth crab stages, was about $55\%$. The relationships between rearing days (D) and the carapace width (C), carapace length (L) and body weight (W) of the crab stages during 40 days of rearing are shown as follows. Carapace width, Indoor: C=1.1250D+1.7227 Outdoor C=1.3465D -0.2449 Carapace length, Indoor: L=0.6654D+1.6712 Outdoor: L=0.7893D+0.6919 Body Weight, Outdoor: $$W=1.15e^{0.12423D}$$ Indoor: $$W=6.759\times10^{-2}D^{1.2598}$$ (9-19 day old crabs) Outdoor: $$W=4.136\times10^{-2}D^{1.6024}$$ (21-40 day old crabs) During the crab stage, the following relationships between the number of moulting times and the carapace width (C), carapace length (L) and body weight (W) were found as follows: $$C=5.2e^{0.28119N}$$ $$L=3.65e^{0.26372N}$$ $$W= 0.14e^{0.7037N}$$ The relationships between the carapace length (L) and the carapace width (C) and body weight (W) of the crab stages are shown as follows: Carapace length, mm Formula 2.62-27.17 L=1.6864C-1.0387 7.47-18.53 $$W=9.367\times10^{-5}C^{3.5567}$$ 22.11-27.17 $$W=3.406\times10^{-5}C{3.8571}$$

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.9
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• pp.69-98
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• 2005

The security industry for civilians (Private Security), was first introduced to Korea via the US army's security system in the early 1960's. Shortly after then, official police laws were enforced in 1973, and private security finally started to develop with the passing of the 'service security industry' law in 1976. Korea's Private Security industry grew rapidly in the 1980's with the support of foreign funds and products, and now there are thought to be approximately 2000 private security enterprises currently running in Korea. However, nowadays the majority of these enterprises are experiencing difficulties such as lack of funds, insufficient management, and lack of control over employees, as a result, it seems difficult for some enterprises to avoid the low production output and bankruptcy. As a result of this these enterprises often settle these matters illegally, such as excessive dumping or avoiding problems by hiring inappropriate employees who don't have the right skills or qualifications for the jobs. The main problem with the establishment of this kind of security service is that it is so easy to make inroads into this private service market. All these hindering factors inhibit the market growth and impede qualitative development. Based on these main reasons, I researched this area, and will analyze and criticize the present condition of Korea's private security. I will present a possible development plan for the private security of Korea by referring to cases from the US and Japan. My method of researching was to investigate any related documentary records and articles and to interview people for necessary evidence. The theoretical study, involves investigation books and dissertations which are published from inside and outside of the country, and studying the complete collection of laws and regulations, internet data, various study reports, and the documentary records and the statistical data of many institutions such as the National Police Office, judicial training institute, and the enterprises of private security. Also, in addition, the contents of professionals who are in charge of practical affairs on the spot in order to overcomes the critical points of documentary records when investigating dissertation. I tried to get a firm grasp of the problems and difficulties which people in these work enterprises experience, this I thought would be most effective by interviewing the workers, for example: how they feel in the work places and what are the elements which inpede development? And I also interviewed policemen who are in charge of supervising the private escort enterprises, in an effort to figure out the problems and differences in opinion between domestic private security service and the police. From this investigation and research I will try to pin point the major problems of the private security and present a developmental plan. Firstly-Companies should unify the private police law and private security service law. Secondly-It is essential to introduce the 'specialty certificate' system for the quality improvement of private security service. Thirdly-must open up a new private security market by improving old system. Fourth-must build up the competitive power of the security service enterprises which is based on an efficient management. Fifth-needs special marketing strategy to hold customers Sixth-needs positive research based on theoretical studies. Seventh-needs the consistent and even training according to effective market demand. Eighth-Must maintain interrelationship with the police department. Ninth-must reinforce the system of Korean private security service association. Tenth-must establish private security laboratory. Based on these suggestions there should be improvement of private security service.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.26-36
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• 2018

This study aims to examine the characteristics of landscape through the analysis of location and the landscape of Gugok while also conducting the empirical study through the literature review, field study, and digital analysis of the Okgung Gugok. Oksan Gugok is a set of songs set in Ogsan Creek(玉山川)or Jagyese Creek(紫溪川, 紫玉山), which flows in front of the Oksan Memorial Hall(李彦迪), which is dedicated to the Lee Eong-jeok (李彦迪). We first ascertained the location and configuration of Oksan Gogok. Second, we confirmed the accurate location of Oksan Gogok by utilizing the digital topographic map of Oksan Gogok which was submitted by Google Earth Pro and Geographic Information Center as well as the length of the longitude of the gravel measured by the Trimble Juno SB GPS. Through the study of the literature and the field investigation, The results of the study are as follows. First, Yi Eonjeok was not a direct composer of Oksan Gugok, nor did he produce "Oksan Gugokha(Music)". Lee Ia-sung(李野淳), the ninth Youngest Son of Tweo-Kye, Hwang Lee, visited the "Oksan Gugokha" in the spring of 1823(Sunjo 23), which was the 270th years after the reign of Yi Eonjeok. At this time, receiving the proposal of Ian Sung, Lee Jung-eom(李鼎儼), Lee Jung-gi(李鼎基), and Lee Jung-byeong(李鼎秉), the descendants of Ian Sung set up a song and created Oksan Gugok Music. And the Essay of Oksan Travel Companions writted by Lee Jung-gi turns out being a crucial data to describe the situation when setting up the Ok-San Gugok. Second, In the majority of cases, Gogok Forest is a forest managed by a Confucian Scholar, not run by ordinary people. The creation of "Oksan Bugok Music" can be regarded as an expression of pride that the descendants of Yi Eonjeok and Lee Hwang, and next generation of several Confucian scholars had inherited traditional Neo-Confucian. Third, Lee Jung-eom's "Oksan Donghaengki" contains a detailed description of the "Oksan Gugokha" process and the process of creating a song. Fourth, We examined the location of one to nine Oksan songs again. In particular, eight songs and nine songs were located at irregular intervals, and eight songs were identified as $36^{\circ}01^{\prime}08.60^{{\prime}{\prime}}N$, $129^{\circ}09^{\prime}31.20^{{\prime}{\prime}}E$. Referring to the ancient kingdom of Taojam, the nine-stringed Sainam was unbiased as a lower rock where the two valleys of the East West congregate. The location was estimated at $36^{\circ}01^{\prime}19.79^{{\prime}{\prime}}N$, $129^{\circ}09^{\prime}30.26^{{\prime}{\prime}}E$. Fifth, The landscape elements and landscapes presented in Lee Jung-eom's "Oksan Gugokha" were divided into form, semantic and climatic elements. As a result, Lee Jung-eom's Cho Young-gwan was able to see the ideal of mountain water and the feeling of being idle in nature as well as the sense of freedom. Sixth, After examining the appearance of the elements and the frequency of the appearance of the landscape, 'water' and 'mountain' were the absolute factors that emphasized the original curved environment at the mouth of Lee Jung-eom. Therefore, there was gugokga can gauge the fresh ideas(神仙思想)and retreat ever(隱居思想). This inherent harmony between the landscape as well as through the mulah any ideas that one with nature and meditation, Confucian tube.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.196-219
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• 2019

According to the Samguk Yusa, the nine-story wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple was built by a Baekje artisan named Abiji in 645. Until the temple was burnt down completely during the Mongol invasion of Korea in 1238, it was the greatest symbol of the spiritual culture of the Korean people at that time and played an important role in the development of Buddhist thought in the country for about 700 years. At present, the only remaining features of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which is now in ruins, are the pagoda's stylobate and several foundation stones. In the past, many researchers made diverse inferences concerning the restoration of the original structure and the overall architecture of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple, based on written records and excavation data. However, this information, together with the remaining external structure of the pagoda site and the assumption that it was a simple wooden structure, actually suggest that it was a rectangular-shaped nine-story pagoda. It is assumed that such ideas were suggested at a time when there was a lack of relevant data and limited knowledge on the subject, as well as insufficient information about the technical lineage of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple; therefore, these ideas should be revised in respect of the discovery of new data and an improved level of awareness about the structural features of large ancient Buddhist pagodas. This study focused on the necessity of raising awareness of the lineage and structure of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple and gaining a broader understanding of the structural system of ancient Buddhist pagodas in East Asia. The study is based on a reanalysis of data about the site of the wooden pagoda obtained through research on the restoration of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which has been ongoing since 2005. It is estimated that the wooden pagoda underwent at least two large-scale repairs between the Unified Silla and Goryeo periods, during which the size of the stylobate and the floor plan were changed and, accordingly, the upper structure was modified to a significant degree. Judging by the features discovered during excavation and investigation, traces relating to the nine-story wooden pagoda built during the Three Kingdoms Period include the earth on which the stylobate was built and the central pillar's supporting stone, which had been reinstalled using the rammed earth technique, as well as other foundation stones and stylobate stone materials that most probably date back to the ninth century or earlier. It seems that the foundation stones and stylobate stone materials were new when the reliquaries were enshrined again in the pagoda after the Unified Silla period, so the first story and upper structure would have been of a markedly different size to those of the original wooden pagoda. In addition, during the Goryeo period, these foundation stones were rearranged, and the cover stone was newly installed; therefore, the pagoda would seem to have undergone significant changes in size and structure compared to previous periods. Consequently, the actual structure of the original wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple should be understood in terms of the changes in large Buddhist pagodas built in East Asia at that time, and the technical lineage should start with the large Buddhist pagodas of the Baekje dynasty, which were influenced by the Northern dynasty of China. Furthermore, based on the archeological data obtained from the analysis of the images of the nine-story rock-carved pagoda depicted on the Rock-carved Buddhas in Tapgok Valley at Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju, and the gilt-bronze rail fragments excavated from the lecture hall at the site of Hwangnyongsa Temple, the wooden pagoda would appear to have originally been an octagonal nine-story pagoda with a dual structure, rather than a simple rectangular wooden structure.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.15-28
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• 2021

'Cheonunjeongsa (天雲精舍)', designated as Gyeongsangbukdo Folklore Cultural Property No. 76, is a Siksanjeongsa built in 1700 by Manbu Lee Shiksan. In this study, we investigate the life and perspective of Manbu Lee in relation to Siksanjeongsa, and estimate the feng shui location, territoriality, and original landscape by analyzing 「Nuhangnok」 and 「Nuhando」, the results of his political management. The following results were derived by examining the philosophy that the scholar wanted to include in his space. First, Manbu Lee Shiksan was a representative hermit-type confucian scholar in the late Joseon Dynasty. 'Siksan', the name of the government official and the nickname of Manbu Lee, is derived from the mountain behind the village, and he wanted to rest in the four areas of thought(思), body(躬), speech(言), and friendship(交). During the difficult years of King Sukjong, Lee Manbu of a Namin family expressed his will to seclude through the title 'Siksan'. Second, There is a high possibility of restoration close to the original. Manbu Lee recorded the location of Siksanjeongsa, spatial structure, buildings and landscape facilities, trees, surrounding landscape, and usage behaviors in 「Nuhangnok」, and left a book of 《Nuhangdo》. Third, Manbu Lee refers to the feng shui geography view that Oenogok is closed in two when viewed from the outside, but is cozy and deep and can be seen from a far when entering inside. The whole village of Nogok was called Siksanjeongsa, which means through the name. It can be seen that the area was formed and expanded. Fourth, the spatial composition of Siksanjeongsa can be divided into a banquet space, an education space, a support space, a rest space, a vegetable and an herbal garden. The banquet space composed of Dang, Lu, and Yeonji is a personal space where Manbu Lee, who thinks about the unity of the heavenly people, the virtue of the gentleman, and humanity, is a place for lectures and a place to live. Fifth, Yangjeongjae area is an educational space, and Yangjeongjae is a name taken from the main character Monggwa, and it is a name that prayed for young students to grow brightly and academically. Sixth, the support space composed of Ganjijeong, Gobandae, and Sehandan is a place where the forested areas in the innermost part of Siksanjeongsa are cleared and a small pavilion is built using natural standing stones and pine trees as a folding screen. The virtue and grace of stopping. It contains the meaning of leisure and the wisdom of a gentleman. Seventh, outside the wall of Siksanjeongsa, across the eastern stream, an altar was built in a place with many old trees, called Yeonggwisa, and a place of rest was made by piling up an oddly shaped stone and planting flowers. Eighth, Manbu Lee, who knew the effects of vegetables and medicinal herbs in detail like the scholars of the Joseon Dynasty, cultivated a vegetable garden and an herbal garden in Jeongsa. Ninth, it can be seen that Lee Manbu realized the Neo-Confucian utopia in his political life by giving meaning to each space of Siksanjeongsa by naming buildings and landscaping facilities and planting them according to ancient events.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.24_2
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• pp.231-270
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• 2015

This thesis examined Chu Hsi's self-cultivation theory as the representative theory of cultivation in Confucianism, while juxtaposing it to self-cultivation theory in Daesoon thought, concentrating on its similarity and difference. Neo-Confucianism is a scholarship which has wielded a tremendous influence upon East Asia, while functioning as an official scholarship for long period up to Yuan, Ming, and Ching period, after achieving its synthesis by Chu Hsi. After 13th century, Neo-Confucianism has been a representative academic system in Confucianism, and self-cultivation theory was in its center. It suggested various virtues that classical scholars have to equip to fulfill the sainthood and the politics of royal road. The self-cultivation theory of Chu Hsi was developed upon the basis of the theory 'Li-Qi' and the theory of mind. Here, the practice of Geokyung(morally awakened state with a reverent spirit in every moment) and Gyeokmul-tsiji(reaching into the utmost knowledge through investigation of things) formed a nucleus of Chu Hsi's self-cultivation theory. While Geokyung was to reveal one's true nature through cultivation of mind, Gyeokmul-tsiji was to demonstrate the complete use of mind's essence and function. Chu Hsi's self-cultivation theory attempted to realize the unity of heaven and man, and through cultivating self and governing people, it also tried to achieve its ideal of the society of Great Union(Daedong). Daesoon Thought is originated from Sangjenim who has descended to this world as a human being called Jeungsan. He went on his circuit to rectify the disorder of heaven and earth for 9 years to rectify the Three worlds of heaven, earth and human being which were faced with total annihilation due to its rule of mutual conflict, while creating an earthly paradise. Respecting the will of Sangjenim, Dojunim established the foundation of Do through launching 'Meukeukdo' and setting tenet, creed and object so that the cultivators (Doins) could believe and respect the truth of Sangje's great itineration (Daesoon). Among those, the two components of creed, which are four fundamental principles and the three fundamental attitudes are of great account as precept and cardinal point. Through this means, the cultivators of Daesoonjinrihoe aspire to guard against self-deception through transforming the human spirit, to realize earthly immortality through renewing human beings, and to create an earthly paradise through transforming the world. This thesis attempted to compare and analyze the theory of self-cultivation in Neo-Confucianism and Daesoon Thought in the aspect of ground, method, and object of cultivation. First, as for the ground of cultivation, the doctrines of Chu-tzu and Daesoon thought place the essence of cultivation on 'heaven'. Yet, whereas the former postulates Taekeuk (the Great Ultimate) as a principle as well as the heaven of a natural order, Daesoon thought postulates Sangenim as the heaven of superintendence as well as the heaven of a natural order, signified as its equation of Daesoon with circle, along with the unity of Meukeuk (Endlessness) and Taegeuk (the Great Ultimate). Further, the doctrine of Chu-zhu and Daesoon thought is identical in the point that both thoughts see mind as the subject of cultivation, while trying to restore a pure essence. Nevertheless, whereas Neo-Confucianism intends to give scope to ability of the complete use of mind's essence and function, Daesoon Thought sees mind as the essence which is used by spiritual beings and as an organ that heaven, earth and human being rely upon as the center of the universe. In the aspect of method of cultivation, the doctrine of Chuzhu lays emphasis on the rational factor in that it brightens its 'myung-deoki'(bright inner virtue),' while trying to correspond to the law of heaven on the basis of 'Geokyung' and 'Gyeokmul-tsiji.' On the contrary, Daesoon thought lays much emphasis on faith factor in that it aspires for human perfection based on the restoration of conscience by cultivating Daesoonjinri with sincerity, reverence and faith along with 'quieting the heart-mind', 'quieting the body', 'respecting the God of the Ninth Heaven', and 'observing ritual practice on the basis of the faith in Sangjenim. Yet, both thoughts have similarities in that cultivation of body forms the basis and that they attempt to realize their ideals through cultivation in daily life while taking 'Guarding against self-deception' as the key method of self-cultivation.' However, the principle of Chu-zhu can be said to be a voluntary and autonomous practice based on scripture of the saint as well as self-reflection. On the other hand, Daesoon thought reveals certain difference in that it combines faith factor with one's self-effort by concentrating on cultivation under the presence of Sangjenim as the object of belief and the spirits of heaven and earth. In the aspect of object of cultivation, both thoughts share similarities in that the saint and the perfected gentleman with a moral virtue as an ideal image of men in both thoughts attempt to realize each of their 'myung-deok' in human nature as a heavenly mandate while respecting morality. Further, they also share similarity in the point that the desirable characters in both thoughts want to participate in harmonious creation and nurturance. Yet, the perfected gentleman with a moral virtue is also characterized by its aim for a new heaven and earth where there is no mutual conflict but mutual beneficence, by promoting the moral influence and virtue of Sangjenim over one's own virtue, while practising the mutual beneficence of all life through harmonious union of divine beings and human beings.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.36-73
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• 2024

The Tomb of Jang Mui located in Bongsan-gun, Hwanghae-do Province has attracted much attention since its first investigation due to the inscribed bricks found there that have allowed the guessing of the name and official title of its occupant and construction date. Inscriptions on these bricks, such as the "Prefect of Daebang Commandery Jang Mui" and the "Mu" (戊, the fifth sign of the Chinese calendar), and "Sin" (申, the ninth sign of the Chinese zodiac), have become the basis for believing the location of the government office of Daebang Commandery to be in Bongsangun, Hwanghae-do Province rather than somewhere in the Hangang River region. From the early days of its investigation, the tomb was suggested as historic remains of the Daebang Commandery along with the Earthen Fortress in Jitap-ri. Inscribed bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui were featured in several books and articles in the form of photographs and rubbings, leading to a vast body of studies on its construction period and the characteristics of its occupant that drew upon interpretations of the inscriptions. However, the inscribed bricks themselves were not publicly available outside those held in the collection of the University of Tokyo, making it difficult to expect consistent research findings on the types of inscribed bricks and their contents. Following previous studies re-examining the structure of the tomb and the materials used for its construction, most scholars dated the Tomb of Jang Mui to 348, a period after the collapse of Daebang Commandery. However, there is still a lack of adequate examination of the bricks, which account for the majority of the artifacts excavated from the tomb. Among the bricks excavated from most brick chamber tombs, including the Tomb of Jang Mui, only those with inscriptions or designs have been collected. Moreover, among these, only those with inscriptions or designs on the stretcher faces have been documented. Accordingly, the bricks themselves have been notably understudied. This paper intends to reorganize the contents of the inscriptions on eleven types (out of sixty-one pieces) of bricks in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, which make up the majority of the bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui. It also classified them according to their shapes. Furthermore, it examined the bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui as architectural materials by focusing on their production techniques, including their forming, drying, and firing. Taking a more specific approach, it then compared the results to other bricks from the second century through the fourth century: those from the brick chamber tombs of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies and those from the brick chamber tombs built after Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies were ousted. The examination of bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui has revealed that these bricks were basically produced using the brick manufacturing techniques of Nangnang, but they incorporated new elements found in bricks from brick chamber tombs or brick-and-stone chamber tombs constructed around the mid-fourth century in terms of their size, the use of lime, and the number of inscribed bricks. This supports the prevailing view that the date of the construction of the Tomb of Jang Mui is 348. The Tomb of Jang Mui sustained the existing brick chamber tomb burial tradition, but its ceiling was finished with stone. It demonstrates a blending of the brick chamber tomb practice of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies by using bricks produced based on related techniques, but with new elements such as the addition of a lime layer to the bricks. This fusion reflects the political circumstances of its time, such as the expulsion of the Daebang Commandery and the advance of the Goguryeo Kingdom, leading to diverse interpretations. Given archaeological evidence such as the structure, materials, and location of the tomb, the Tomb of Jang Mui appears to be highly related to the Goguryeo Kingdom. However, the forms of the inscribed bricks and the contents of the inscriptions share similarities with brick chamber tombs constructed during the third and fourth centuries in the Jiangsu and Zhejiang regions in China. Further studies on whether the use of lime was an influence from Goguryeo or a continuation of the Daebang tradition and a comparative examination with contemporaneous stone ceiling tombs will provide a more refined understanding of the Tomb of Jang Mui.