• Journal of dental hygiene science
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.225-230
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• 2009

This study executed questionnaire 388 high school boy students in Jeolla-bukdo Namwon from June 9, 2008 to 20th prepares basic data about boy student's oral health behavior, and examines closely the connection factor and plans oral health promotion. Questionnaire distributed getting classroom teacher's cooperation and reclaimed through classroom teacher after make questionnaire by students. The collected data executed Chi-square test and descriptive statistics using SPSS program and the result is as following. 1. Response that responded that students of 61.1% are 2 times in toothbrushing number of times on 1 day, and appeared by thing which 69.1% does toothbrushing most much after way in the morning, and cleans up and down by toothbrushing method was the most by 36.6%. A student of only 8.5% was using auxiliary oral hygiene devices. 2. The oral medical examination and treatment engine use experience rate was 93.6%, and students of 82.9% do treatment as reason by last oral medical examination and treatment use purpose and did coming to help. The 1 year within use experience rate was 47.7%, and students of 77.1% were satisfied for medical examination and treatment. 3. Toothbrushing frequency of smoked students appeared low compared to students woo do not smoke, and students, who do drinking, was expose toothbrushing number by 3 limes compared to students who do not. 4. The activity limitation experience rate by oral disease was 16.0%, and the year absence experience rate was 5.2%, and the studies achievement hindrance experience rate appeared by 13. 1%. As a result, is considered to strengthen on-time oral medical examination and oral health education, and need prevention and policy of early treatment putting first.

• Korean journal of applied entomology
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.249-257
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• 1991

Chronological changes in the occurrence pattern of the striped rice borer(SRB), Chilo suppressalis Walker, were investigated by analyzing the data collected by 33 light traps of the countrywide monitoring units during the period of 1968-1989. And also relation of incidences between larval and adult populations, emergence time and percent emergence of overwintered larvae were observed in relation to the time of different rice transplantations. Spring moths of SRB in 1985-'89 generally emerged earlier than in 1968-'72 : 30 days earlier at Kwangju, 20 -25 days earlier at Sangju and Naju, 10-15 days earlier at Uljin, Jinju, Goyang, Milyang, Kimhae, etc., 5 days earlier at Suweon, Jinchun, Daejeon, Namweon, Haenam, etc. There was no change in the time of spring moth emergance at Weonseong, Chungju, Seosan, Yongju, and Nonsan. Summer moths of SRB in 1985- '89 also emerged earlier than 1968- '72: 20 days earlier at Uljin, 15 days earlier at Chungju, Yeongdug, and Habchun, 5-10 days earlier at the other areas except Yeongju. There was an overall countrywide decrease in the population of the 1st generation of SRB during the last two decades. The population of the 2nd generation also decreased in 19 areas during the same period, but increased in 14 areas including over 3-fold increases in Kwangju, Naju and Daegu, and double increase in Jinju, Milyang and Gongju. The higher larval population density of 1st genration was taken place in the earlier transplanted fields, whereas the population of 2nd generation were higher at mid-season transplanted (May 30), followed by May 15, June 15, and April 30. The peak of larval population appeared generally 15 days after moth peak in 1st generation, and 10 days after moth-peak in 2nd generation. The earlier transplanted fields were the higher percent damage due to 1st off-springs of spring moths, whereas the fields transplanted in mid-season were higher damage due to 2nd off-springs of summer moths. Average body weights of SRB larvae before overwintering were 65.6 mg, 61.2 mg, and 55.5 mg in early, mid-season, and late transplantations, respectively. In field cage experiments, emergence rate of the overwintered larvae ranged from 28.3-39.8%. In other words, body weights of overwintering larvae were heavier in fields by earlier transplantation, and heavier larvae showed higher percentage of adult emergence. The period from overwintered larvae to adult emergence was longer in the fields of the later transplantations; namely, 44, 49, and 51 days for early, mid-season, and late transplantations, respectively.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.38
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• pp.175-200
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• 2018

From the point of view of the law and public morals in Yi-dynasty, it is possible to discover new meanings in the love of Chunhyang and Mongryong-Lee, the conflicts between Chunhyang and Hakdo-Byeon, and the rescue of Chunhyang by Mongryong-Lee as a secret royal inspector. First, although the love of Chunhyang and Mongryong-Lee was against the law and public morals of Yi-dynasty, the narrator did not call to account, but he described the love as a romantic and new one conflicting with the ruling system. And it was an unprecedented case that Chunhyang asked a written contract as a legal guarantee for marriage when Mongryong-Lee courted her. Second, Hakdo-Byeon, the Namwon county governor, accused Chunhyang, a female entertainer of the Namwon county, of disobedience to his oder and contempt of him, and interrogated her with torture when she denied his demand for bed service which was prohibited by law. Chunhyang refuted against him and regarded his demand for bed service as the rape of a married woman. In this process, narrator sharply contrasted Chunhyang's claim for human rights with Hakdo-Byeon's legal administration. Characters such as people of Namwon county and king did not call Mongryong-Lee to account for that he, as a secret royal inspector, allegedly used his power privately to rescue his sweetheart Chunhyang from Hakdo-Byeon's illegal oppression. These different judgements on legal administrations of Hakdo-Byeon and Mongryong-Lee came from the legal emotion of characters and reading publics of . Namely, people who sympathized with Chunhyang's claim for love and human rights had the legal emotion that Mongryong-Lee's administrative order suspending Hakdo-Byeon's govenor's status could be approved as an legal and exciting one. Therefore the love of Chunhyang and Mongryong-Lee implied a new legal emotion which based on the sympathy with Chunhyang's human rights consciousness, and regarded the positive law of Yi - dynasty as one behind times.

• The Journal of the Petrological Society of Korea
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• v.15 no.3 s.45
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• pp.154-166
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• 2006

Though there are more than 600 active and non-active dimension stone quarries in Korea, most quarries are small-scaled and non-active. Main dimension stone belt in Korea is distributed in the Wonju-jecheon-Mungyeong-Geochang-Jinan-Nanwon-Geogumdo area with NNE direction, which occupies about 50% of domestic dimension stone quarries. The other dimension stone belts occur in the Gangyeong-Iksan-Gimje area, the Pocheon-Ujeongbu area and the Boryeong area. The dimension stones in Korea have been produced from at least fifteen rock types: granite, diorite, syenite, gabbro, homblendite, basalt andesite, rhyolite, tuff felsite, sandstone, marble, gneiss, schist and slate. However, seven or eight rock types such as granite, diorite and marble are currently produced. The dimension stones are quarried out 87% from plutonic rocks (mainly granite and diorite), 6% from sedimentary rocks (mainly sandstone), and 3% from metamorphic rocks (mainly marble). Main rock types of the dimension stones are variable with respect to their production locality. In the Jeollanam-do area, most dimension stones are produced from diorite. Marble is mainly produced from the Gangwon-do and Chungcheongbuk-do areas. Black sandstone is exclusively quarried out from the Chungcheongnam-do area. Granite is most abundant dimension stone in Korea. Above 50% of the domestic dimension stones are medium-grained to coarse-grained granitic rocks, but fine-grained granite dimension stones have 10% of distribution. The color of the dimension stone varies with rock types. Most granite dimension stones have dominant colors of whitish gray and gray, which are produced from the Wonju, Gapyeong, Iksan, Namwon and Geochang areas. Pink-colored granites are rarely produced from the Mungyeong area.

• Korean Journal of Agricultural and Forest Meteorology
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.55-64
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• 2019

The flowering seasons can be advanced due to climate change that would cause an abnormally warm winter. Such warm winter would increase the frequency of crop damages resulted from sudden occurrences of low temperature before and after the vegetative growth stages, e.g., the period from germination to flowering. The degree and pattern of freezing damage would differ by the development stage of each individual fruit tree even in an orchard. A critical temperature, e.g., killing temperature, has been used to predict freeze damage by low-temperature conditions under the assumption that such damage would be associated with the development stage of a fruit flower bud. However, it would be challenging to apply the critical temperature to a region where spatial variation in temperature would be considerably high. In the present study, a phenological model was used to estimate major bud development stages, which would be useful for prediction of regional risks for the freeze damages. We also derived a linear function to calculate a probabilistic freeze risk in spring, which can quantitatively evaluate the risk level based solely on forecasted weather data. We calculated the dates of freeze damage occurrences and spatial risk distribution according to main production areas by applying the spring freeze risk function to apple, peach, and pear crops in 2018. It was predicted that the most extensive low-temperature associated freeze damage could have occurred on April 8. It was also found that the risk function was useful to identify the main production areas where the greatest damage to a given crop could occur. These results suggest that the freezing damage associated with the occurrence of low-temperature events could decrease providing early warning for growers to respond abnormal weather conditions for their farm.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.40-51
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• 2011

The purpose of the study was to understand the symbol and locational meanings in building and relocating Gwangje-jeong(光霽亭) through the analysis and interpretation on the construction background, history, the location and its characteristics. Concerning physical environment, human activities, the symbol and meanings of the formal Gwangje-jeong site and the present location, the study was concluded about the site and its meaning of tradition as following. Gwangje, the name of the pavilion, represents the fidelity of Maedang(梅堂) Yangdon(楊墩) who refused as Seonbee(a man of virtue) to be tainted with the corrupt world, which was related with the situation at that time. It implies Maedang's feeling of realizing Noojeongjeyong(樓亭題詠) of Gwangje-jeong along with the high spirit of Gwangpoongjewol(光風霽月). According to the record about rebuilding Gwangje-jeong, Maedang was the very person who planted plum flowers at the pavilion and put up the tablet of its name, Gwangje. Even after his death, Gwangje-jeong was the symbol indicating Yangdon, given the triple high ground and the planting of plum flowers. Also, Sookho(宿虎) town at the entrance of Gwangje-jeong and Bokhoam(伏虎巖: a rock) at the right side of the pavilion signifies the location for praising Maedang Yangdon, and the Yangjipha's Oensi(五言詩: five words verse) engraved on the rock gives a good description about the place, Agyesa that worshiped Yangdon. As Agye-Sa(阿溪祠) where Yangdon was worshiped and praised had been abolished in the 5th year under the Kojong's reign(1868), the spirit praising Maedang had finally been used for the relocation of Gwangje-jeong. Despite the relocation of Gwangje-jeong, the old Gwangje-jeong site has remained at least for 359years at Hucheonli, and its surroundings have maintained the name 'Gwangje' as the front place name morpheme, for example, 'Gwangje-jeong,' 'Gwangje Town,' 'Gwangje Bridge' and 'Gwangje Creek,' for symbolizing the praising of Maedang. Gwangje-jeong, as the center place of solidarity among Namwon Yang's family clan, has been able to maintain its symbol and meanings in spite of relocation, mainly because of the fellowship among the descendants, family clan and alumni who respected virtuous achievements of ancestors and shared the agony of the time. In addition, the symbolism has been preserved since the spirit of Gwangpoonjewol of Yangdon and his high character were cherished along with the spirit of Bongseon(奉先) that inherited and kept virtuous achievements of ancestors.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.209-223
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• 2019

The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture in the National Museum of Korea had long sat unregistered in storage at the museum. However, a new accession number "bon9976" has recently been assigned to it. This sculpture was excavated from the neighborhood of Heungnyongsa Temple in Baekun-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-gun, Gyeonggi-do Province together with another Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9975) called "Iron Buddha from Pocheon." A comparison and examination of Gelatin Dry Plate and official documents from the Joseon Government-General Museum during the Japanese occupation period have revealed that these two Iron Buddha sculptures were transferred to the Museum of the Government-General of Korea on December 17, 1925. The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9976) has a height of 105 centimeters, width at the shoulders of 57 centimeters, and width at the knee of 77 centimeters. The Buddha is wearing a robe with rippling drapery folds and the right shoulder exposed. He is seated in the position called gilsangjwa(the seat of good fortune) in which the left foot is placed over the right thigh. The features of the Buddha's oval face are prominently sculpted. The voluminous cheeks, eye sockets in a large oval shape, slanted eyes, short nose, and plump lips can also be found in other ninth-century Iron Seated Buddha sculptures at Silsangsa Temple in Namwon, Jeollanam-do Province, Hancheonsa Temple in Yecheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and Samhwasa Temple in Donghae-si, Gangwon-do Province. Moreover, its crossed legs, robe exposing the right shoulder, and rippling drapery folds suggest that this sculpture might have been modeled after the main Buddha sculpture of the Seokguram Grotto from the eighth century. The identity of this Iron Seated Buddha can be determined using the Gelatin Dry Plate(M442-2, M442-7). In them, the Buddha has its right palm facing upwards and holds a medicine jar on its left palm. Until now, the Iron Seated Bhaiṣajyagura(Medicine) Buddha(bon1970) excavated from Wonju has been considered the sole example of an iron Medicine Buddha sculpture. However, this newly registered Iron Seated Buddha turns out to be a Medicine Buddha holding a medicine jar. Furthermore, it serves as valuable material since traces of gilding and lacquering clearly remain on its surface. This Iron Seated Buddha sculpture (bon9976) is presumed to have been produced around the ninth century under the influence of Esoteric Buddhism by the Monk Doseon(827~898), a disciple of the Monk Hyecheol, to protect the temple and help the country overcome geographical shortcomings. According to the records stored at Naewonsa Temple(later Heungnyongsa Temple), Doseon selected three significant sites, including Baegunsan Mountain, built "protector" temples, created the Bhaisajyagura Buddha triad, and enshrined them at the temples. Moreover, the inscription on the stele on the restoration of Seonamsa Temple states that Doseon constructed temples and produced iron Buddha sculptures to help the country surmount certain geographical shortcomings. Heungnyongsa Temple is located in Dopyeong-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-si, Gyeonggi-do Province. This region appears to have been related to rituals directed to the Medicine Buddha since Yaksa Temple(literally, "the temple of medicine") was built here during the Goryeo Dynasty, and the Yaksa Temple site with its three-story stone pagoda and Yaksadong Valley still exist in Dopyeong-ri.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.209-241
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• 2016

"Women's Nong-ak (農樂, Traditional Korean music performed by farmers)" was born together with "Maiden group." This study focuses on the reason why women appeared as principal agents of Nong-ak which was almost exclusive to men previously and especially, on the appearance of women Nong-ak Artists who was previously worked in Traditional Drama Troupe. This study empirically deals with details of activities of Maiden's (娘子) Nong-ak troupes and Girls' (少女) Nong-ak troupes through newspaper articles. Women Nong-ak Artists enjoyed popularity with their peculiar attractions. Participating in Nong-ak contests and collecting money for their performances, women Nong-ak Artists learned their skills form masters of Woodo Nong-ak and attracted attention with their colorful costumes. Women of Nong-ak circle especially saw through the trend of the time, expanded their arena of activities and exercised flexibility and ability to react quickly to changing situations while mixing with various genres. In particular, young girls were mobilized to show value and marketability of Korean culture as cultural medium who decorated "Pure Nong-ak art stage." They were no different from "Pretty dolls dancing like angels" who could not purse their interest and economic benefit or incite political cause and their patrons were domestic and overseas political figures. Women artists, who put Nong-ak on the stage in the name of Maiden's (娘子) Nong-ak troupes and Girls' (少女) Nong-ak after the liberation from Japanese colonial rule, contributed to expansion of market base. Women Nong-ak artists, who dominated a century in such troupes as Sadangpae, Hyuprulsa, Maiden's (娘子) Nong-ak troupes, Girls' (少女) Nong-ak troupes and Women Nong-ak troupes, were the very heroines who overturned the conventions of "male predominance (男尊女卑)" which filled Nong-ak arena and cultivated a new tradition of Nong-ak culture.

• Korean Journal of Poultry Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.41-50
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• 2023

Over the last decade, avian influenza (AI) has been considered an emerging disease that would become the next pandemic, particularly in countries like South Korea, with continuous animal outbreaks. In this situation, risk assessment is highly needed to prevent and prepare for human infection with AI. Thus, we developed the risk assessment matrix for a high-risk area of human infection with AI in South Korea based on the notion that risk is the multiplication of hazards with vulnerability. This matrix consisted of highly pathogenic avian influenza (HPAI) in poultry farms and the number of poultry-associated production facilities assumed as hazards of avian influenza and vulnerability, respectively. The average number of HPAI in poultry farms at the 229-municipal level as the hazard axis of the matrix was predicted using a negative binomial regression with nationwide outbreaks data from 2003 to 2018. The two components of the matrix were classified into five groups using the K-means clustering algorithm and multiplied, consequently producing the area-specific risk level of human infection. As a result, Naju-si, Jeongeup-si, and Namwon-si were categorized as high-risk areas for human infection with AI. These findings would contribute to designing the policies for human infection to minimize socio-economic damages.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.20-27
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• 1983

A series of laboratory experiment was conducted to find out the chemical composition, characterization of humic substances by physical and chemical methods and reaction of Na-pyrophosphate, $Ca(OH)_2$ and rice straw with albumin on the degradation of soil organic matter in the volcanic ask soils of the Jeju Island. Results obtained were summarized as follows: 1. The contents of organic matter, available silicon, active iron and aluminum concentration in volcanic ash the soils were remarkably higher but available phosphorous was comparatively lower than the mineral soils. In volcanic ash soil, the contents of potassium, calcium and magnessium were higher in upland soil than that of forest soil. The ratios of active $Al^{{+}{+}{+}}/Fe^{{+}{+}}$, C/P and $K/Ca^+$ Mg were apparently high in volcanic ash soils while that of $SiO_2$/O.M. was high in mineral soil. 2. The carbon/nitrogen ratio in humin, humic acid content in organic matter, and carbon contents of humin in total carbon of soil organic matter were apparently higher in the volcanic ash soils than in the mineral soils, The total nitrogen and fractions of acid or alkali soluble nitrogen were remarkably high in volcanic ash soils while mineralizable nitrogen ($NH_4$-N and $NO_3$) contents were high in mineral soils. 3. The values of K600, RF and log K were also higher in volcanic ash soils than those in mineral soils, and the absorbance in the visible range were high and color was dark in the soil of which humification was progressed Extracted humic acid from volcanic ash soil was less reactive to the oxidizing chemical reagent and was persistance to the acid or alkali hydrolysises. 4. The major oxygen-containing functional groups in humic substances of volcanic ash soils were phenolic-OH alcoholic-OH and carboxyl groups while those in mineral soil were methoxyl and carbonyl groups. 5. Absorption spectra of alkaline solution of humic acid ranged from 200 nm to maxima 500 nm. Visible spectra peaks of from humic substances in the visible region were recognized at 350, 420, 450 and 480 nm. Only one single absorbance peak was observed in the visible region at 362 nm for Heugag series and two absorbance Peak were also at 360 nm and 390 nm for Yeungrag series. 6. Evolution of carbon as $Co_2$ was increased with addition of Na-pyrophosphate in Namweon and Heugag series, and "priming effects" took place on the soil organic matter decomposition by addition of rice straw with albumin in Ido series.